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  • 1. “ Ottonelli appare non come un teologo o come uno scrittore, non come ‘il mite gesuita’ che i teorici dell’arte amano immaginare, ma come un uomo d’azione, un guerrigliero in lotta contro il teatro, e specialmente contro il ruolo che vi ricoprivano le donne.” All Italian translations in this chapter are mine unless cited otherwise.
  • 2. Connors 30: “Prynne, come Ottonelli, e contrario a tutti i mali della societa: danze, dadi, commedie, pitture lascive, mode licenziose, trucchi, brindisi, capelli lunghi, riccioli, parrucche, pastorali amorosi, musiche effeminate, ecc., ‘tutti sono passatempi pagani’. ”
  • 3. “Prynne e l’Ottonelli inglese, e viceversa.”
  • 4. Both quotations from Connors 29: “Lo sorprendiamo a Catania nel 1635, mentre fa interrompere una commedia dove si rappresentava un gesto osceno. Lo troviamo poi a Palermo insieme ad un altro gesuita (G.B. Carminta) intento a condannare un povero ciarlatano alla galera per avere messo in scena un gesto osceno.”
  • 5. Fratello ponete hormai fine alle comiche oscenita; perche una conversatione cost brutta non e utili punto alla salute vostra; anzi e grandemente perniciosa, & a voi, & a’ prossimi vostri; onde meritate d’essere scacciato lungi da ogni Terra, Citta, Provincia, e Regno.”
  • 6. On the word, comedia: the word refers to a stage play. The literal translation would be “comedy,” but that word now carries the connotation of “humorous.” To avoid that connotation, I translate the word as “play,” the ambiguity of which lies at the very heart of Ottonelli’s treatise. At the same time, as I discuss later in the chapter, the term “comedy” does have its proper place in Ottonelli’s scheme.
  • 7. In this chapter, I will capitalize the Spiritual Exercises when I speak of those created by Ignatius Loyola. Spiritual Exercises (in italics) will denote the book that contains the exercises. All other spellings, most frequently the lower-case “spiritual exercises,” refer to the concept of these exercises in general.
  • 8. “Per queste feste sull’acqua, oltre che di barche particolarmente ornate, i Compagni si servivano di macchine o teatri galleggianti, i cosiddetti teatro del mondo, sui quali avevano luogo danze, serenate, cenee rappresentazioni sceniche (generalmente momarie). Inoltre, apparati consueti erano vasti pal- chi a piu piani (i soleri), che erano addossati e comunicavano attraverso le finestre con i palazzi prospicienti il Canal Grande o quello della Giudecca, collegati a loro volta all’opposta riva del canale con ponti costruiti su barche o navi, in considerazione che si dovesse attraversare il Canal Grande o il Canale della Giudecca, sui quali avevano luogo, assai di frequente, le momarie.”
  • 9. For more on the Palladio theatre specifically and the semi-permanence of the teatri del mondo more generally, see Lina Padoan Urban, “Teatri e ‘teatri del mondo’ nella Venezia del Cinquecento” [“Theatres and ‘theatres of the world’ in sixteenth-century Venice”] Arte Veneta vol. XX (1966): 137-146.
  • 10. “Caratteristica assolutamente eccezionale di questo dinamismo architettonico e la piu assoluta indifferenza per l’aspetto esterno dei teatri. I teatri sono le sale. Non gli occorrono, fuori, ne colonne, ne peristili, ne timpani. Per lun- ghissimo tempo questa norma decisamente antimonumentale.”
  • 11. “ [S]e potrd condurvi facilmente unafontana di acqua dolce viva e pura, et in diversi luoghi di essa [...].” The document exists in ASV, Savi alle Acque, Busta 986, filza 4, cc.23-25. It is partially reprinted in Nicola Mangini, I teatri di Venezia (Milano, 1974) 26-28 and then printed in its entirety (with some corrections) in Manfredo Tafuri, Venice and the Renaissance, trans. Jessica Levine (Cambridge, Massachusetts; London, England: The MIT Press, 1989) 159-160.
  • 12. “Il modo sard con fare uno theatro di pietra grande e commodo per tutti quelli a tali spettacoli efeste: e saranno le intrate aperte a tutti, che hora non sono: e se uno vuole entrare hora a vedere qualche festa de compagni de calza, o per sentire una comedia non puo entrare se non e dello populo frosso: cosa che non tiene ne delgiusto ne dell’honesto, ma del partigiano.”
  • 13. “ [E]t in tale piazza si potrd fare combattere orsi con cani: tori selvaggi con huomini, e simili spettacoli: ma oltra quelli si vederd fare la guerra come hora si fa, e si usa in questa Cittd; che e cosa molto bella da vedere e molto apprettata da signori forestieri [... ] ma oltra in quella medesima piazza si potrd facilissimamente far intrare l’acqua e uscire, per poter farvi un bello navale come faceano Romani.”
  • 14. “E questo sard un spettacolo et una prospettiva la piu bella, la piu vaga, la piu varia d’ogni altra, che mai s’habbia veduta ne che si possa vedere per l’avenire in tutto ‘l mondo: et e ben ragionevole: non sendo stata, ne per essere mai altra Cittd nel mondo simile a questa, ne vergine come e questa che niun’altra e in tutto ‘l mondo che sia vergine: laonde si potrd nominare allora per capo del mondo per le sue belle qualitd, e fortezza che mai ne fu una simile.”
  • 15. It is difficult to determine the contemporary value of a sixteenth-century Venetian ducat given the gold scarcity suffered on the Italian peninsula throughout the 1500s and the inflation of the ducat’s value after numerous wars with Spain. By weight, the Venetian ducat was.1107 troy ounces, which, with contemporary gold prices makes 50,000 Venetian ducats worth $6.6 million.
  • 16. Venetian scuole, or schools, were a combination of charitable institutions and artists’ guilds. There were two types: the Scuole Grandi, such as the Scuola Grande di San Rocco to which Tintoretto belonged, and the Scuole Minore, such as that of the goldsmiths, the fishermen, etc.
  • 17. This was part of the Jesuit strategy from its earliest beginnings. “On their long and precarious journey on foot to Venice [1535], the nine companions wore the dress of university students and, besides some clothing, carried with them in their leather rucksacks only their Bibles and personal papers.” The passage describes Ignatius Loyola and his earliest companions arriving in Venice for the first time together on their way to Jerusalem.
  • 18. After entering the Republic of Saint Mark in the early part of the sixteenth century, the Jesuits gradually gained access to the core of the Venetian state by becoming the confessors and spiritual advisers for numerous patricians. In his study of the Venetian baroque, Gaetano Cozzi wrote that, “Ignazio di Loyola aveva insegnato ai confratelli con quale attenzione si dovesse guardare ai membri dei ceti piu alti, chiave per entrare nel vivo di una societa, come attrarne la fiducia, come sucitarne e rafforzarne la devozione.” (“Ignatius of Loyola had taught the brothers what attention they would need to guide the members of the highest classes, keys for entering into the life of a society, how to gain their trust, how to arouse and reinforce devotion.”) Loyola himself acted as guide for Matteo Dandolo, the Venetian ambassador to France during some very important years in the life of the relationship between those two powers, as well as for Gasparo Contarini, one of the most influential doges in Venetian history. Achilles Gagliardi S.J. became the broker of peace between Henry III and Venice in the first part of the sixteenth century. Father Benedetto Palmio initiated the hospital system for the reform of young prostitutes, which, more than just becoming an important charitable institution within the Venetian governmental system, allowed Palmio to gain access to members of the powerful Council of Ten and to the wives of those men. See Gaetano Cozzi, Venezia barocca 293-295 where he discusses Dandolo and Contarini in some more detail. For more on the relationship between Contarini and Loyola, see O’Malley, First Jesuits 35.
  • 19. “Si citava, a tale proposito, come un grande succeso del padre Palmio l’esser riuscito a far sospendere a Venezia, nel carnevale del 1559, le commedie, ‘et guastar le scene etiam fatte.’” (“One such example of this was the grand success of Father Palmio who successfully suspended in Venice, for the carnival of 1559, the plays, ‘to ruin the scenes this made’.”)
  • 20. The decree appears in I’Archivio di Stato, Venezia [ASV], Consiglio de’Dieci, Comune, Raspe 32 (1575-1576), 104r. Cited in Johnson, “Short, Lascivious Lives” 941.
  • 21. For 1568, see ASV, Consiglio de’ Dieci, Comune, Raspe 28 (1567-68), 164v., 19 January 1568. For 1573, see ASV, Consiglio de’ Dieci, Raspe 31 (1573-1574), 76v., November 10, 1573. Both appear in Johnson 940941.
  • 22. Item #87 under “Rules for the Rector.” The restriction against women’s clothing aims at eliminating any libidinal excesses.
  • 23. This text comes in the section “Rules for Provincial.”
  • 24. One interesting anthology, in which there is an extensive bibliography, is Rudolf Wittkower and Irma B. Jaffe, eds., Baroque Art: The Jesuit Contribution (New York: Fordham University Press, 1972). Another, which has a wider scope, is O’Malley et al., The Jesuits II: cultures, sciences, and the arts, 1540-1773 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006).
  • 25. See Nigel Griffin, Jesuit School Drama, a checklist of critical literature (London: Grant & Cutler, ltd., 1976) and Nigel Griffin, Jesuit School Drama: a checklist of critical literature, Supplement No. 1 (London: Grant Cutler Ltd., 1986).
  • 26. “In 1500 a cathedral deacon played the part of a prostitute in a presentation of Terence’s The Eunuch; in 1531 a priest died from wounds received in a street fight; and in 1565, while leaving a ball, a canon assaulted and wounded a man in a dispute over who should go through a door first. In the same year the luogotenente and his soldiers had to force their way into the monastery of Saint Peter Martyr to put down an armed rebellion by the monks against the prior and his partisans” in Edward Muir, Mad Blood Stirring: Vendetta & Factions in Friuli during the Renaissance (Baltimore; London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993) 36-37.
  • 27. On the origin of “retreat” and its connection to Loyola’s Spiritual Exercises, see O’Malley, First Jesuits 47.
  • 28. That is: 1. The ontological possibility of essence or natural kinds. 2. A dispositional view of essential properties determining the content of a natural kind. 3. An adequate epistemological/philosophy of mind apparatus providing an awareness of essences or natural kinds in the individual. 4. A theory of practical reason undertaking the ends to be pursued in terms of human nature.
  • 29. Barthes: “As for the Ignatian I, at least in the Exercises, it has no value in existence, it is not described, predicated, its mention is purely transitive, imperative” (50-51).
  • 30. This point also brings the dual nature of the Jesuit Order into view against the background of the Church. The Church wanted people to go to the monastery. When the Jesuits made that step unnecessary, there were members of the Church who started viewing Loyola’s descendants as usurpers of the Church’s power. The Jesuits were thus radically tied to the Church under the control of the Pope, and they were a free radical organization that acquired a semi-autonomous status. I talk about this more in Chapter 7.
  • 31. For more on meditation in the lives of Augustine and Anselm, see Michal Kobialka, This is My Body: Representational Practices in the Early Middle Ages (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2003) 116-118.
  • 32. O’Malley discusses the importance of Thomas a Kempis’s The Imitation of Christ and Erasmus’s Handbook of the Christian Soldier to Loyola’s self- fashioning in First Jesuits 25-27.
  • 33. For an excellent essay on the spatium imaginarium within Jesuit thinking, especially as it related to Hobbes’s philosophy of space and place, see Cees Leijenhorst, “Jesuit Concepts of Spatium Imaginarium and Thomas Hobbes’s Doctrine of Space,” Early Science and Medicine vol. 1, no. 3, “Jesuits and the Knowledge of Nature” (October, 1996): 355-380.
  • 34. Will Daddario, “Parable to Paradigm to Ideology: Thinking Through (the Jesuit) Theatre,” Journal of Dramatic Theory and Criticism 25.1 (Fall 2010): 29-40.
  • 35. Interview with Ducio Trombadori, original title: “Conversazione con M. F.”, Il Contributo, Jan-Mar 1980, 23-84; German title: Der Mensch ist ein Erfahrungstier, Frankfurt 1996, p. 82. Cit. http://foucault.info/pst/az-cf- 77712-973580928, trans. Nico.
 
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