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Notes

  • 1. A good source for information on Calmo is Le lettere di Messer Andrea Calmo, ed. Vittorio Rossi (Torino: Ermano Loescher, 1888). On Fo, see Farrell and Scuderi.
  • 2. “God’s judgment alone did not suffice. The survivors of Giovedi Grasso sought to enlist the judgment of history as well. For them the function of history was to preserve a record of past injustices, creating a peculiar relationship between violence and memory” (Muir, Mad Blood 209).
  • 3. Paduan: “Te l’hegi dito?” Italian (trans. Zorzi): “Te I’avevo detto?” For commentary, see Ludovico Zorzi’s notes in Ruzante, Teatro 1379 and Ferguson 41.
  • 4. See Linda L. Carroll, “A Nontheistic Paradise in Renaissance Padua,” The Sixteenth Century Journal 24.4 (Winter, 1993): 890, 895-896. I return to this source later in the chapter.
  • 5. See also Daddario and Zerdy, “When You Are What You Eat: Ruzzante and Historical Metabolism.”
  • 6. Paduan: “Compare, l’e i cassiti deferro chefa ste male fiere. Tanto che ipesa, tanta carne i tira zo. e po, el mar bere, el piezo magnare [... ] S’a’fosse sto on’ son stato io mi!” (521). Italian (trans. Zorzi): “Compare, sono gli elmetti di ferro che fanno queste brutte cere. Tanto quanto pesano, tanta carne tirano giu. E poi, il mar bere, il peggio mangiare [... ] Se voifoste stato dove sono stato io me!
  • 7. Zorzi notes “a possible representation of dialogue in Venice on 16 February 1520” (Ruzante, Teatro 1361), but it is difficult to determine who the audience for this piece may have been. The rest of Zorzi’s note, however, remarks on the difference between the supposed original title of the piece (Parlamento de Ruzante a Menato e a la sua Gnua) and the title by which scholars have come to know it. The more common title, according to Zorzi, reflects the possibility that audiences remembered this piece as a dialogue about a Veteran, and thus the dialogue may have played to people who fought in the wars.
  • 8. “Nontheistic Paradise” and Linda L. Carroll, “Ruzante’s Early Adaptations from More and Erasmus,” Italica 66.1 (Spring, 1989): 29-34.
  • 9. For the Galileo-Ruzzante connection see Carroll, Angelo Beolco 106; Stillman Drake, “Galileos Language: Mathematics and Poetry in a New Science,” Yale French Studies no. 49, Science, Language, and the Perspective Mind: Studies in Literature and Thought from Campanella to Bayle (1973): 18; Jean Dietz Moss, “Galileo’s Letter to Christina: Some Rhetorical Considerations,” Renaissance Quarterly 36.4 (Winter, 1983): 560n22; Anne Reynolds, “Galileo Galilei’s Poem ‘Against Wearing the Toga,’” Italica 59.4, Renaissance (Winter, 1982): 334.
  • 10. I do not mean to suggest that Loyola’s asceticism was devoid of aesthetic awareness or that Ruzzante’s aestheticism freed itself from the strictures of a certain asceticism. Barthes’s writings on Loyola (already cited) reveal the importance of aesthetics in the Spiritual Exercises. Likewise, Umberto Eco’s discussion of the Medieval aesthetic sensibility begins with a consideration of the ascetic mystics, remarks on the poetic early works of Abelard, Aquinas and others, and concludes that Medieval ascetic writings contain some of the clearest evidence of a medieval aesthetic understanding. See Umberto Eco, Art and Beauty in the Middle Ages, trans. Hugh Bredin (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986) 4-17. Later in this chapter, I comment on the asceticism folded into Ruzzante’s theatrical portrayals. As such, ascetics and aesthetics inform one another.
  • 11. For a slightly different perspective on these same issues, see Linda Carroll, “Carnival Rites as Vehicles of Protest in Renaissance Venice,” Sixteenth Century Journal 16 (1985): 487-502.
  • 12. See Martin Luther, “Address to the Christian Nobility of the German Nation Respecting the Reformation of the Christian Estate,” The Harvard Classicsvol. 36, trans. C.A. Buchheim, ed. W. Eliot (New York: P.F. Collier & Son, 1910) 324, especially the section titled, “Twenty-Seven Articles Respecting the Reformation of the Christian Estate,” articles fourteen, eighteen, and nineteen.
  • 13. Zorzi’s note: “ Vi si avverepero unapiu maturapartecipazione alla causa dei poveri e degli oppressi [...].Qui la voce del Beolco si leva con un timbro inconsueto, e inconsueto per i tempi e il modo di prospettare certi mali come autentiche piaghe sociali. La soluzione, secondo Ruzante, puo trovarsi in un ritorno algenuino spirito del Vangelo [...].”
  • 14. The full line is: “ Voi dovete sapere che io, vedendo questo mondo essere ilpiu bel paese del mondo, entrai un di in una voglia terribile di dovervi restare per sempre, o almeno di essere degli ultimi che se ne partissero.
  • 15. “Quando mi monto questa collera, io ero sopra una delle nostre montagnette di Este, a caccia, rimasto solo aspettando i bracchi che ritornassero da oltre un colle, dove avevano cacciato un lepre; ed erano tanto lontani, ch’io non li sentivo pin.”
  • 16. “[I]lsonno li entro negli occhi e, non appenafu dentro, egli mise il catenaccio all’uscio, e chiuse mefuor di me stesso.”
  • 17. “[F]u il pin soave egrazioso sonno che mai chiudesse occhi d’uomo.”
  • 18. Paduan: “Mo se uno vivesse mo nome un ano solo e saesse de esser vivo, no serave pi vita la soa, e pi longa, ca de uno che vivesse mil’agni e no saesse me d’esser vivo?” (1231). Italian (trans. Zorzi): “Ma se uno vivesse sol tanto un anno solo e sapesse di esser vivo, non sarebbe pin vita la sua, e pin lunga, di quello di uno che vivesse mill’anni e non sapesse mai di esser vivo?”
  • 19. “Mentre esso diceva questeparole, miparve sentire una musica, non di canti o di suoni, ma di non so pin che concento [sic] o armonia, che non saprei darla a intendere se non a chi dormisse come facevo io. E poco dopo (come fa chi sogna) mi pareva vedere tutta quellagente dell’Allegrezza raccolta insieme, e di tutta farsene po una cosa si bella, che in mille anni non si direbbe con mille lingue. Io volevoguardarla fisso per non perdere di contemplarla (tanto me pigliavano diletto), ma gli occhi mi parevano impediti da non so che gravezza; onde, volendo sforzarmi di aprirli, il sonno se ne fuggi, ed io rimasi con gli occhi aperti per davvero.”
  • 20. From “Nontheistic Paradise,” reflecting on Ruzante’s move toward nontheism: “He first tried Evangelical solutions (Prima Oratione, Betia, Seconda Oratione, Reduce); when those did not produce results, he began to experiment with Protestant ideas (Moscheta; see 651, par. 19, Tonin to Ruzante: ‘Hush, you who are against the faith [... ] baptized in a pig trough!’), then pagan ones (Dialogo facetissimo). When again these provide no relief, Beolco exploded in the Bilora against the name of God. In the comedies that followed he accepted the expedient of Nicodemism, but in the final one, the Lettera all’Alvarotto, God disappeared completely.”
  • 21. The complete quotation, which is also the epigraph to Part II, is: “Certain gardens are described as retreats when they are really attacks.” Nature Over Again After Poussin: Some Discovered Landscapes (Collins Exhibition Hall: Glasgow, 1980) 21-22.
 
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