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Notes

  • 1 Skinner (2003), p. 3.
  • 2 This chapter will build on Roy Mottahedeh’s explanation of the shape of political life and the ways in which commitments were formed within Buyid society; see Mottahedeh (2001).
  • 3 On the Buyids, see Cahen “Buwayhids or Buyids”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. I, pp. 1350-1357; Donohue (2003); Mottahedeh (2001); al-Tawatl (1999); Meisami (1998/a), pp. 7-8; Munaymina (1987); Kraemer (1986/a); Kabir (1953); Kabir (1955); Kennedy (1990), pp. 9-10; Kennedy (2004b), pp. 212-249.
  • 4 On the activities of the Buyids and their rise to power see Donohue (2003); Kennedy (2004b), pp. 212-249.
  • 5 The chief emir was a newly established office to which power was shifted from the lost glory of the vizierate, the civil and bureaucratic representative of the caliphate. The first chief emir to hold this post was Abu Bakr Muhammad b. Ra’iq (d. 330/ 942) in 324/936, who was appointed by the caliph al-RadI (322-29/934-40). Ahmad b. Buya ended the confusion which followed the overthrow of Ibn Ra’iq by his general, the Turk Abu al-Husayn Bajkam (326-29/938-41) and the intervention of the Baridis of Basra, the DaylamI KUrankIj, and later the Hamdanid emir of Mosul, al-Hasan b. ‘Abd Allah (regnal name Nasir al-Dawla), who became the chief emir; see Donohue (2003), pp. 4-8, 13-34; Waines (1977), pp. 339-349; Kraemer (1986/a), pp. 34-35.
  • 6 Daylamites was the name given to the people of the northern Iranian province of Gllan and Daylam. Gllan was a historic province of Persia, around the delta of the river SafId-rud, south of the Caspian Sea and north of the Elburz chain, and Daylam was the highlands of GIlan; for more information; see Spuler, B. “GIlan”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. II, pp. 1111-1112 and Minorsky, V., “Daylam”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol.II, pp. 189-194.
  • 7 AbU Shuja‘ Buya, the father of three founding brothers of the Buyid dynasty, was reported to have dreamt of a fire blazing from his body in the guise of a tree having three trunks. This was understood by a dream-interpreter as a sign of the future rule of his three sons; see Busse (1973), p. 58. For an account of the spread of Zaydl doctrine in the Daylam after 233/845, see al-Mas‘udI, Muruj al-Dhahab, vol. 4, pp. 349.19-350.16, SubhI (1984), pp. 192-205.
  • 8 The Buyids were said to be Shfis, but it is not clear which branch of Shfism they followed. If they were Twelver Sh-I‘-Is, then they would acknowledge that the last ima-m had gone into occultation. If they were Sh-I‘-I Zayd-Is, then the ima-m, who can be both a spiritual and political leader, must be a direct descendent of ‘Al-I. Making a ZaydI ‘Alid caliph would have also reduced the Buyids’ own power because they would have been obliged to obey the ‘Alid caliph; see Madelung “ShI‘a”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. IX, p. 420; Madelung “Zaydiyya”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. XI, p. 477; Kraemer (1986/a), p. 38.
  • 9 For a discussion of the religious significance of the office of the caliphate, see Lapidus (1975), p. 367.
  • 10 See al-Blmnl, al-Athar, p.132.3-6. The division of powers between the caliph and the emir was not one of a religious/temporal nature, but was rather between authority and power. The ‘Abbasid caliph had the right to appoint positions of a more religious nature, but appointments for judgeships, for example, were the constitutional right of the emir; see Donohue (2003), p. 348.
  • 11 For a further discussion of the nature of this relationship; see Mottahedeh (2001), pp. 54-57.
  • 12 Al-SuyutI reports the text of the designation of ‘Adud al-Dawla by al-Ta’i‘ which reflects the nature of the relationship between the Buyid emir and the ‘Abbasid caliph; see al-Suyuti, Tar-kh al-Khulafa , p. 408.7-21; see also al-TawatI (1999), pp. 67-73; Donohue (2003), pp. 14-18; Kraemer (1986/a), pp. 37-39. Also, the coins of most of the Buyid emirs continued to mention the caliph and did not bear the emir’s assumed title; see Madelung (1969), p. 93.
  • 13 For example Mu‘izz al-Dawla forced the caliph al-Mutf to confer the title ‘Izz al-Dawla, which had been refused by al-Mustakfl, upon his son Bakhtiyar; see Madelung (1969), p. 98.
  • 14 Cf. Cahen, “Buwayhids or Buyids”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. I, pp. 1350-57; Madelung (1969), p. 93.
  • 15 Lapidus (1975), p. 364.
  • 16 Many of the Buyid emirs and their viziers also used the Persian language at their courts. For example, al-TawhIdI reports that the vizier Ibn ‘Abbad uttered Persian words when addressing his entourage though he had no idea what they meant; al-TawhIdI, Akhlaq, pp. 104.9-105.8; see also ‘Abbas (1956), p. 12. On the activities of Baha’ al-Dawla, see Bosworth, “Baha’ al-Dawla”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. XII, p. 118.
  • 17 MardawIj b. Ziyar al-JIlI, the founder of the Ziyarid dynasty in Tabaristan and Jurjan, whose ideas presumably influenced Rukn al-Dawla, harboured particularly strong Persian sentiments and supposedly aspired to replace the rule of Arabs with that of Persians; see Busse (1973), p. 57.
  • 18 AbU Fadl Bayhaq-, secretary of the rival Ghaznawids, referred to the Buyids as the Sha-hansha-hiya-n; cf. Bosworth in Madelung (1969), p. 85 note 4. For further discussion on when the title was first introduced by the Buyids and its implications, see Madelung (1969), pp. 84-108; Cahen, “Buwayhids or Buyids”, Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. I, pp. 1350-57; Donohue (2003), pp. 23-34.
  • 19 Miskawayh, for instance, describes how Ah. mad, Mu‘izz al-Dawla, kissed the ground under his brother ‘Al-’s feet when they met in Isfahan in 336/947; see Miskawayh, Tajarib, vol. 2, p. 113.1-4; cf. Donohue (2003), pp. 13-14, 18; see also al-Tawat- (1999), vol. 1, p. 49.
  • 20 The notion that the reign of the Arabs had come to an end was put forward by scholars such as al-B-run- (d. ca. 442/1050) who held that the reign (dawla) of each caliph cannot last more than twenty-four years. He adds that the reason why al-Muttaq- reigned for about thirty years was because power in the last days of al-Muttaq- and the first days of al-Mustakf- had passed from the ‘Abbasids to the Buyids; see al-B-run-, al-Athar, p. 132.1-4.
  • 21 The book was written in Isfahan under the rule of Rukn al-Dawla in 350/981, twelve years after the death of ‘Al- b. BUya. For more information on the book, see Madelung (1969), pp. 93-95.
  • 22 See al-Isfahan- in Madelung (1969), p. 94.
  • 23 The problem had already begun in the conflict between Rukn al-Dawla and his son AbU Shuja‘ after the death of ‘Imad al-Dawla in 338/949. For further discussion, see Donohue (2003), pp. 18-23; see also Munaymina (1987), pp. 174-177.
  • 24 Miskawayh, Tajarib, vol. 2, p. 234.10-12.
  • 25 Ibid., pp. 234.18-235.21.
  • 26 Miskawayh, Tajarib, vol. 3, pp. 79.1-80.8, 118.18-136.3, 145.14-150.4. Al-TawatI provides a good schedule of the conflict between different Buyid emirs; al-Tawatl (1999), vol. 1, pp. 52-55.
  • 27 Cf. the story about Adud al-Dawla’s mother’s dream of ‘All b. Abl Talib telling her that she will give birth to a virtuous, clever boy whose glory will spread over Fars, Iraq, Oman, to Aleppo; see Miskawayh in al-Tawatl (1999), vol. 1, p. 81.
  • 28 The Hanballs, for example, attempted to prevent ShI‘Is commemorating the ‘ashura; see al-DhahabI, Kitab Duwal al-Islam, vol.1, p. 190.4-15. The caliph al-Qadir (d. 422/1031) also supported the HanbalIs’ activities against the Buyids and the ShI‘Is, and he sent a command to the sultan Mahmud b. SabuktakIn, ordering him to spread the sunna in Khurasan; see ibid., p. 178.3-8; see also al-TawatI (1999), vol. 1, pp. 87-93.
  • 29 Mottahedeh (2001), p. 187.
  • 30 Mu‘izz al-Dawla, for example, openly commemorated the lamentations of the ‘ashura’, and created the festival of GhadIr Khumm to mark the 18th of Dhu al-Hijja; see Ibn al-Ath!r, al-Kamil, vol. 7, p. 7.16-19; al-Suyufl, Tar-kh al-Khulafa, p. 401.2-6; al-TawatI (1999), p. 80; Cahen, “Buwayhids or Buyids”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. I, pp. 1350-57.
  • 31 Certain ShI‘I groups, such as the Isma‘IlIs, became active in spreading their own doctrine among members of the secretarial class, administration, and even to the commoners (amma). On the activity of the Isma‘IlI missionaries and da‘-s in the Buyid period, see Madelung, “Isma ‘Iliyya”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. IV, pp. 198-206; Kraemer (1986/a), pp. 68-72.
  • 32 See Cahen, “Buwayhids or Buyids”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. I, pp. 1350-57.
  • 33 See Mottahedeh (2001), pp. 175-190.
  • 34 See al-TawatI (1999), vol. 1, p. 105.
  • 35 See Miskawayh in al-TawatI (1999), vol. 1, p. 54.
  • 36 Miskawayh, Tajarib, vol. 2, p. 287.14-17. Miskawayh also reports that in 361/ 972, people sent a delegation to ‘Izz al-Dawla, complaining about his neglect of the affairs of the Muslim community, and about immersing himself in his own interests when Byzantium was attacking Muslim lands, such as Nas.-Ib-In; see ibid., pp. 303.14-304.11; see also al-TawhIdI, al-Imta, vol. 3, pp. 151.9-159.18.
  • 37 See Mottahedeh (2001), p. 179.
  • 38 Ibid., p. 175.
  • 39 Miskawayh, Tajarib, vol. 2, p. 84.11-16.
  • 40 Ibid., p. 85.12-15.
  • 41 Mottahedeh (2001), p. 175-190.
  • 42 Sh-I‘-Is and Sunn-Is attended prayers together and visited each other’s shrines; see Miskawayh, Tajarib, vol. 2, pp. 407.7-408.2.
  • 43 On the various forms of loyalty to a king and the administrative practices of the Buyids, see Mottahedeh (2001), pp. 40-96, 181-182.
  • 44 For a discussion on the administrative polices of the Buyids, see Mottahedeh (2001), pp. 160-170, 178-179.
  • 45 Ibid., p. 6.
  • 46 Some scholars, including Joel Kraemer, argue that a strong sense of individualism was a major characteristic of this period, and that this shaped how different members of society related to one another in ways that were guided by greed and selfish desires; see Kraemer (1986/a), pp. 11-14.
  • 47 Al-TawhIdI, al-Imta, vol. 1, pp. 29.1-31.8.
  • 48 For further discussion of these categories, see Mottahedeh (2001), pp. 40-174.
  • 49 This categorisation by no means claims to include all the forms of social groups that existed in Buyid society. Due to the limitation of this research, I chose to focus on the groups that are relevant to set the social and intellectual context to my discussion of al-TawhIdI’s concept of sadaqa.
  • 50 For a good discussion of the nature of this military feudal system of the Daylam and Gil tribes and their relationships to the Buyids, see al-Tawatl (1999), vol. 1, pp. 105-119.
  • 51 Arjomand (1999), pp. 267-268.
  • 52 See Cahen, “Buwayhids or Buyids”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. I, pp. 1350-1357.
  • 53 See Cahen, “Buwayhids or Buyids”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. I, pp. 1352-1353.
  • 54 There were other ethnic factions in the army, such as the Arabs and Kurds. This made it difficult for the Buyids to manage the conflicting interests of these competing groups. After the revolt of the Daylam groups in 345/946, Mu‘izz al-Dawla turned to the Turkish groups for support, and he regarded the Turkish leader Sabuktakln as the leading officer. At times also the ‘group interest’ of the soldiers could contradict the will of their masters. For example, the situation in 415/1016, when the soldiers of the armies of both Abu al-Fawaris and Kalijar decided to stop the fight despite their masters’ will to continue; see Donohue (2003), pp. 192-211; Mottahedeh (2001), p. 110-15.
  • 55 See Miskawayh, Tajarib, vol. 2, pp. 234.20-235.10, 304.12-305. 8.
  • 56 Mottahedeh (2001), p. 116.
  • 57 For a description of these two categories; see Mottahedeh (2001), pp. 108-110, 116-120.
  • 58 For example, see Mottahedeh (2001), pp. 110, 117. Al-Jahiz also provides a description of the relationship between the clerks; cf. Mottahedeh (2001), p. 116.
  • 59 For a further discussion on the activities of tujjar in the Buyid period, see Mottahedeh (2001), pp. 116-120.
  • 60 For examples, see ibid., pp. 118-119.
  • 61 See the example of al-Tanukhl’s friend in Mottahedeh (2001), p. 119.
  • 62 See al-TawhIdI, al-Imta‘, vol. 3, p. 62.6-11.
  • 63 On the economic policies of the Buyids, al-Tawatl (1999), vol. 1, pp. 94-119. On the ‘ayyarun, see Donohue (2003), pp. 338-346; Mottahedeh (2001), pp. 157-158; al-Tawatl (1999), vol. 2, pp. 151-172.
  • 64 See al-TawhIdI, al-Imta‘, vol. 3, p. 160.1-4.
  • 65 See al-TawhIdI, al-Imta‘, vol. 3, p. 161.3-11; cf. Donohue (2003), p. 345. Al-TawhIdI mentions that occasionally some ‘ayyarun, like Aswad al-Zubdl, showed nobility of spirit; see al-Tawhldl’s account of him and how he freed a slave girl whom he bought when she expressed her disgust with him.
  • 66 See Miskawayh, Tajarib, vol. 2, pp. 37; 88.8-10, 95.9-100.6.
  • 67 See Ibn al-Athlr, al-Kamil, vol. 7, p. 45. 8-17. See al-TawhIdI, al-Imta‘, vol. 3, pp. 152.9-162.10; Miskawayh, Tajarib, vol. 2, pp. 303.14-307.12; al-Dhahabl, Kitab Duwal al-Islam, vol. 1, p. 163.9-14; al-HanbalI, Shadharat al-Dhahab, vol. 3, pp. 39.20-40.3; al-Muqaddasl, The Best Divisions for Knowledge of the Regions, pp. 118, 120-122. For other reports on the unrest in Baghdad see Miskawayh, Tajarib, vol. 2, p. 305.10-14; see also Ibn al-Jawzi, Muntazam, vol. 8, pp. 76.25-79.20.
  • 68 See al-TawhIdI, al-Imta‘, vol. 3, p. 188.7-14. On Ibn Ma‘rUf; see also al-Tha‘alibI, Yatima, vol. 3, pp. 107.1-109.4; al-HamadanI, Takmila, vol. 1. p. 197.6-8; Ibn al-JawzI, Muntazam, vol. 7, p. 38.15-19. On the division of Baghdad into major SunnI and ShI‘I quarters, see Ibn al-JawzI, Muntazam, vol. 7, p. 287.5-9; Ibn al-JawzI, Muntazam, vol. 8, p. 56.1-7.
  • 69 See al-TawhldI, Akhlaq, pp. 202.11-203.3. ‘Izz al-Dawla was also a devoted sponsor of poets; see Kraemer (1986/a), p. 54. On ‘Izz al-Dawla, see Cahen, “Bakhtiyar”, Encyclopaedia ofIslam 2, vol. I, pp. 954-955, Donohue (2003), pp. 51-64.
  • 70 On ‘Adud al-Dawla, see Bowen, “‘Adud al-Dawla, Abu Shudja‘ Fanna Khusraw”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. I, p. 211, Donohue (2003), pp. 65-86.
  • 71 Al-TawliIdI reports that the famous grammarian Abu Sa‘Id al-SIrafI, despite his linguistic and juridical knowledge, was unable to write an official letter
  • (Risala d-waniyya) which the vizier Abu Ja‘far al-Saymari needed, while his official writer Abu ‘Abd Allah was away; see al-Tawhldl, al-Imta‘, vol.1, pp. 133-132.
  • 72 Cf. al-Tawatl (1999), vol. 1, p. 188.
  • 73 Mottahedeh (2001), p. 94.
  • 74 See Miskawayh, Tajarib, vol. 3, pp. 94.16-95.2; cf. al-Tawatl (1999), vol. 1, p. 200. On Fakhr al-Dawla, see Cahen, “Fakhr al-Dawla”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. II, pp. 748-749.
  • 75 Miskawayh, Tajarib, vol. 3, pp. 94.20-95.2.
  • 76 For a further discussion of intellectual life in Buyid society, see al-Tawatl (1999), vol. 1, pp. 123-201.
  • 77 For example, the troubled relationship between Sharaf al-Dawla and Samsam al-Dawla seems to have affected the course of the relationship between their viziers Ibn ‘Abbad and Ibn Sa‘dan; see the discussion of this relationship in Chapter 3 below, pp. 124-126; see also Miskawayh, Tajarib, vol. 3, pp. 98.1-101. 5.
  • 78 See al-Tawhidi, al-Sadaqa, pp. 71.4-72.10. On Samsam al-Dawla, see Bosworth, “Samsam al-Dawla”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. VIII, p. 1050.
  • 79 The Buyids and their viziers spent generously on the development of cities like Samarqand, Isfahan, Shiraz, and Rayy, which became cosmopolitan centres for knowledge; see Kraemer (1986/a), pp. 52-60. The Buyid viziers also continued to spend great sums on the reconstruction of Baghdad as a major centre of learning; see also Miskawayh, Tajarib, vol. 2, pp. 404.6-408.13.
  • 80 On the various activities of al-Muhallabi as vizier, see Zettersteen and Bosworth, “Al-Muhallabi”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. VII, p. 358. Al-Tha‘alibl devotes a whole section to al-Muhallab-i and includes his own poetry and compositions; al-Tha‘alibI, Yat-ma, vol. 2, pp. 223.1-240.18. On the activities of Mu‘izz al-Dawla, see Donohue (2003), pp. 34-51.
  • 81 For the names of those who enjoyed the patronage of al-Muhallabi, see al-Tawhidl, al-Imta‘, vol. 3, p. 213.4-12; Zettersteen and Bosworth, “Al-Muhallabi”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. VII, p. 358. Al-Tawhidi reports that his teacher Abu Hamid al-Marwarrudhi recited Risalat al-Saq-fa to al-Muhallabi; see al-Tawhidi, Rasail Ab- Hayyan al-Tawhidi, pp. 13.1-14.4.
  • 82 For a description of Ibn Sa‘dan’s entourage, see al-Tawhldl, al-Sadaqa, pp. 63.16-72.8; see also Chapter 2 below, p. 96.
  • 83 See Miskawayh, vol. 2, pp. 186.5-6, 198.6-7; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil, vol. 6, pp. 231.22-232.3; al-Tawati (1999), p.199. For further discussion of Ibn al-‘Amid as a patron, see Chapter 2 below, pp. 84-87.
  • 84 For a description of Abu al-Fath and of these scholarly gatherings, see al-Tawhidi, Akhlaq, pp. 406.2-417.13; al-Sadaqa, pp. 206.15-207.1; see also Chapter 2 below, pp. 85-87.
  • 85 See al-Tawhidi, Akhlaq, p. 410.3-4.
  • 86 Al-Tawhidi, Akhlaq, p. 410.3-11.
  • 87 Ibid., p. 410.5-6.
  • 88 See Mottahedeh (2001), p. 31.
  • 89 Ibid., p. 31. This situation can be seen clearly in the case of al-Tawhidi; see Chapter 2, pp. 82-97.
  • 90 See Stern, “ Abu Sulayman al-Mantikl”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. I, pp. 151-152; Mottahedeh (2001), p. 41.
  • 91 The translation is Kraemer’s, see Kraemer (1986/a), pp. 28-29. For al-Sijistani’s views on rulership, see Kraemer (1986/b), pp. 250-251.
  • 92 Kraemer (1986/a), pp. 28-29. For a discussion of the position of other contemporary philosophers on the issue of kingship, see Chapter 5 below, pp. 210-213.
  • 93 See Arkoun in Goodman (2003), p. 102.
  • 94 For Miskawayh, see Arkoun, “Miskawayh”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. VII, pp. 143-144; Arkoun (1982); Leaman, “Ibn Miskawayh”, Encyclopedia of Philosophy, CD-ROM Version; Goodman (2003), pp. 101-112.
  • 95 See Arkoun, “Miskawayh”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. VII, pp. 143-144.
  • 96 Leaman (1996/a), p. 252. Miskawayh’s work Tahdhlb al-Akhlaq (The Refinement of Character) is considered by Goodman to be the most influential work on philosophical ethics in Islam; see Goodman (2003), p. 102. Heck also argues that Miskawayh treated practical philosophy, in which he discussed the ethics of the person as well as of the polity, synthesising Arabo-Islamic, Greek, and Persian systems of thought as they were known in his day; see Heck (2002), p. 28 note 10.
  • 97 Rowson (1988), pp. 1-17; see also Heck (2006), p. 114.
  • 98 See al-TawhIdI, Akhlaq, pp. 344.10-345.9.
  • 99 For further discussion of Ibn Sa‘dan’s contacts with members of these philosophical schools, see Chapter 2 below, pp. 75-82; Chapter 3 below, pp. 122-129. For Ibn Sa‘dan’s interest in philosophical themes, see also al-TawhIdI, al-Imta‘, vol. 2, pp. 32.9-33.6; al-TawhIdI, al-Imta‘, vol. 3, p. 99.14-18.
  • 100 Heck argues that the translation movement aimed at serving a political purpose; see Heck (2002), p. 28.
  • 101 Al-Tawhldl, al-Imta‘, vol. 2, pp. 3.12-15.14; see also al-TawhIdI, al-Sadaqa, p. 64.4-7.
  • 102 For a description of Ibn ‘Abbad’s activities as a man of knowledge and a cultivated patron, see al-Tha‘alibI, Yat-ma, vol. 3, pp. 188.14-286.22; Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-A‘yan, vol. 1, pp. 228.4-233.2; Cahen, “Ibn ‘Abbad, Abu al-Kasim Isma‘Il b. ‘Abbad b. al-‘Abbas b. ‘Abbad b. Ahmad b. Idris”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. III, pp. 671-73; Pellat (1990), pp.78-95.
  • 103 See al-TawhIdI, Akhlaq, pp. 166.12-169.4.
  • 104 For further discussion of the role of Abu ‘Abd Allah al-BasrI and al-QadI ‘Abd al-Jabbar at the court of Ibn ‘Abbad, see Chapter 2 below, pp. 92-93.
  • 105 See al-TawhIdI, Akhlaq, pp. 167.5-168.3; see also Chapter 2, p. 91-92.
  • 106 On the link between knowledge and political power, see Khalidi (1994), p. 167.
  • 107 On the activities of Abu al-Wafa’ al-Muhandis al-BuzajanI as a mathematician, see Suter, “Abu al-Wafa’ al-BUzadj anI”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. I, p. 159. ~~
  • 108 On the activities of al-MajUsI, see Elgood, “‘AlI b. al-‘Abbas al-Madj UsI”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. I, p. 381.
  • 109 Astrology continued to be popular among the ruling elite in this period, as it had been under the ‘Abbasids previously. The elite also manipulated dream interpretation as legitimizing devices for their dynasty or followed dream predictions of success or failure for their battles; see above, note 7 and note 27.
  • 110 Cahen, “Buwayhids or Buyids”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. I, pp. 1350-57.
  • 111 For a more detailed discussion of this point and of the relationship between the patron and the courtier, see Chapter 2 below, pp. 82-83.
  • 112 Al-TawhIdI, al-Imta‘, vol. 1, pp. 5.16-6.1.
  • 113 See al-TawhIdI, al-Imta‘, vol. 1, pp. 17.12-18. 5.
  • 114 Al-TawhIdI and Miskawayh, al-Hawamil, p. 213.2-6.
  • 115 Al-TawatI (1999), vol. 1, p. 33; vol. 2, pp. 171-175.
  • 116 See al-TawhIdI in Kadi (1969), p. 70.
  • 117 Makdisi (1990), pp. 1-200
  • 118 Cooperson (1994), p. 23.
  • 119 On the development of the concept of ‘ilm, see Rosenthal (1970), pp. 6-18.
  • 120 Makdisi (1990), pp. 16-22.
  • 121 See Cooperson (1994), pp. 14-15.
  • 122 See Makdisi (1990), pp. 1-200.
  • 123 Apart from the Shafi‘Is who apparently were much more willing to engage in political activities, other religious scholars, especially the Hanballs and the HanafIs maintained a practice of non-participation of their religious scholars in the government. The position of Abu Hasan al-KarkhI al-HanafI is a good example; see Ibn Qutiubugha, Taj al-Tarajim, p. 39.8-18. See also Ibn al-JawzI, Muntazam, vol. 7, pp. 105.18-106.14, 289.15-17; Laoust, “Hanabila”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. III, pp. 158-162; Cook (2000), pp. 114-128; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Kamil, vol. 6, p. 233.25-26; Kraemer (1986/a), pp. 60-63; Donohue (2003), pp. 320, 323, 324-327. There were many incidents when the ‘ulama were consulted on issues of state. As a result of the public protest in 429/1038 against Jalal al-Dawla’s new title King of Kings, the caliph al-Qadir consulted a group of scholars on the legality of the title. The majority, including the HanafI Abu ‘Abd Allah al-SaymarI, the Shafi‘I Abu al-Tayyib al-TabarI, the judge Ibn al-BaydawI, and the HanbalI Abu Muhammad al-Tam-Im-I, approved the title on the basis of analogical reasoning, while ignoring the had-th prohibiting its use. The Shafi‘I al-MawardI, however, ruled that the title was illegal. On the basis of the majority, the caliph allowed the recitation of the title again in the khut.ba and had the preachers protected by armed guards; see Ibn al-AthIr, al-Kamil, vol. 8, p. 16.4-13; Donohue (2003), p. 32. According to another version, al-MawardI also approved the title; see Madelung (1969), p. 182 note 214.
  • 124 Mottahedeh (2001), pp. 135-150.
  • 125 For some examples, see ibid., pp. 144-145.
  • 126 Melchert singles out the Shafi‘I jurist Ibn Surayj (d. 306/917), the HanbalI jurist al-Khallal (d. 311/923), and the HanafI jurist Abu al-Hasan al-KarkhI (d. 340/ 952) as the virtual founders of the Shafi‘I, HanbalI, and HanafI schools of law respectively. They collected the teachings and legal doctrines of al-Sha-fi‘-I, Ah. mad b. H. anbal, and Abu- H. an-Ifa, after whom the schools were named; see Melchert (1997), pp. 87-156. This dating given by Melchert conflicts in detail, particularly regarding the order of appearance of schools of law, with Makdisi who uses the publication of T. abaqa-t works - biographical compendia arranged by generations - devoted to the jurists of each madhhab as evidence for their formation. While Makdisi gives the leading role to the H. anbal-Is in the formation of the Sunn-I legal schools, Melchert ascribes this role to the Sha-fi‘-Is and especially Ibn Surayj; for more information see Makdisi (1993), pp. 371-396; Stewart (1999), p. 277. Hallaq, however, thinks that the authority of the so-called founders, or eponyms, cannot be historically accurate and was largely “a later creation, partly drawn from attributions to the eponyms by their successors, and partly a later denial of the significant contributions made by the earliest jurists to the formation of the eponyms’ doctrine”. This was the result of complex forces, rather than the distinctive contributions of the Imams themselves; see Hallaq (2001), pp. 57, 58-85, see also Hallaq (2005), pp. 158-159.
  • 127 SunnI activities were also directed against Mu‘tazilI theologians, especially in the eleventh century when the QadirI creed prohibited the public teaching of both ShI‘I and Mu‘tazilI doctrines; see Stewart (1999), pp. 278-279; see also Kraemer (1986/a), pp. 62-63.
  • 128 Hallaq (2001), p. 61; Hallaq (2005), p. 152.
  • 129 See Makdisi (1990), p. 29; Mottahedeh (2001), p. 146; Melchert (1997), p. xviii.
  • 130 Ibn Surayj had his own teaching methods, students, and line of Shafi‘I teachers that followed him. Al-SubkI describes him as “Sheikh al-madhhab” and the defender of its doctrine; see al-SubkI, Tabaqat, vol. 3, p. 21.11-15; on Ibn Surayj; see ibid., pp. 21.10-39.2; al-BaghdadI, Tarikh, vol. 4, pp. 287.17-290.19; see also Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-A‘yan, vol. 1, pp. 66.1-69.2; see also Melchert (1997), pp. 87-115.
  • 131 See Donohue (2003), p. 322.
  • 132 Al-MarwarrudhI’s book al-Jami‘ is considered a key source on the foundations of legal doctrines (al-usul wa al-furu ‘) and for solving controversial legal issues; see al-Subkl, Tabaqat, vol. 3, pp. 12.17-13.2.
  • 133 Ibn al-Jawzl, Muntazam, vol. 7, p. 243.13-15; Donohue (2003), p. 326.
  • 134 On the formation of HanbalI doctrine, see Hurvitz (2002), especially pp. 91-112.
  • 135 Al-Khallal studied in Baghdad under ‘Abd Allah b. Ahmad (d. 290/903) and Abu Bakr al-Marrudhl (d. 275/888), a close associate of Ahmad b. Hanbal; see Ibn Abl Ya‘la, Tabaqat, vol. 2, pp. 12.15-15. 8; Melchert (1997), p. 143.
  • 136 On al-Khallal, see Ibn Abl Ya‘la, Tabaqat, vol. 2, pp. 119.10-127.19, Donohue (2003), pp. 318-319.
  • 137 See Ibn Abl Ya‘la, 'Tabaqat, vol. 2, pp. 171.5-177.22, see especially, p. 177.6-8; Ibn al-Jawzl, Muntazam, vol. 7, p. 263.3-11; al-Baghdad-, Tcirlkh, vol. 7, p. 303.5-18; NabulsI, Ikhtisar, pp. 359.12-361.22; Donohue (2003), p. 320.
  • 138 Hallaq (2001), p. 62.
  • 139 Melchert (1997), pp. xiv-xvii; Hallaq (2005), p. 156.
  • 140 See al-Subkl, Tabaqat, vol. 4, pp. 256.11-257.3.
  • 141 Al-Subkl, 'Tabaqat, vol. 5, pp. 24.9-36.2. Al-Subkl also reports another debate between al-Tayyib al-TabarI and Abu al-Husayn al-QudurI from the Hanafiyya; see al-Subkl, "Tabaqat, vol. 5, pp. 36.3-46.4.
  • 142 See al-Subkl, "Tabaqat, vol. 4, p. 61.8-9.
  • 143 Al-Subkl, "Tabaqat, vol. 4, p. 62.9-13.
  • 144 Ibid., p. 62.9-13.
  • 145 See al-TawhIdI and Miskawayh, al-Hawamil, pp. 328.17-329.2.
  • 146 Ibid., p. 329.3-5.
  • 147 Ibid., p. 329.5-9.
  • 148 See Donohue (2003), p. 322. Among the Shafi‘Is, for example, Ibn Surayj was portrayed as he was sent to revise the Prophetic sunna and to eliminate all forms of innovations; see al-BaghdadI, Tankh, vol. 4, pp. 288.13-17, 290.1-8; al-SubkI, "Tabaqat, vol. 3, p. 23.1-14; Donohue (2003), p. 322.
  • 149 On Ibn al-Farra ’, see Laoust, “Ibn al-Farra ’”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. III,

pp. 765-766.

  • 150 On Ibn Batta, see Laoust, “Ibn Batta”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. III, pp. 734-735; see also Laoust in Kraemer (1986/a), p. 63. Many HanbalI scholars had to move their circles because they could no longer stand to hear the Companions of the Prophet cursed. They included Abu al-Qasim ‘Umar b. Husayn al-KhiraqI (d. 334/945), the author of al-Mukhtasar f- al-Fiqh, who left Baghdad for Damascus; see Ibn AbI Ya‘la, "Tabaqat, vol. 2, p. 75.18-23. On al-KhiraqI, see ibid., pp. 75.18-118.8; Donohue (2003), p. 318.
  • 151 See Laoust, “Hanabila”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. III, pp. 158-162.
  • 152 Al-BarbaharI and his followers contributed heavily to civil unrest, a matter which later led the caliph al-RadI in 323/934 to condemn HanbalI activities as spreading anthropomorphic beliefs and to forbid any two of BarbaharI’s followers to assemble in one place. Miskawayh reports a copy of the verdict; see Miskawayh, Tajarib, vol. 1, pp. 322.5-323.2; see also Ibn al-AthIr, al-Kamil, vol. 6, p. 248.2-20; Ibn al-JawzI, Muntazam, vol. 6, p. 276.3-5. For a description of al-BarbaharI’s activities, see NabulsI, Ikhtisar, pp. 299.19-309.17; Cook (2000), p. 117; Laoust, “al-BarbaharI”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. I, pp. 1039-40; Melchert (1997), pp. 150-553.
  • 153 The HanbalIs formed a juridical-theological and social movement. The foundation of their support came from the masses. For a good description of their activities, see Cook (2000), pp. 114-28; Donohue (2003), pp. 318-22; Kraemer (1986/a), pp. 60-63; Laoust, “Hanabila”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, III, pp. 158-62.
  • 154 See al-TawhIdI, al-Imta‘, vol. 2, p. 77.1-4.
  • 155 Cook (2000), pp. 116-118.
  • 156 See al-Hanball, Shadharat al-Dhahab, vol. 2, p. 376.11-12. For al-TawhIdI’s description of the spread of religious conflict and extremism among the people, see al-Tawhldi, al-Imta‘, vol. 2, pp. 76.16-78.12; see also Kadi (2003), pp. 143-144. For al-Tawhldl’s position on the religious zeal between different groups in his society, see also Chapter 2 below, pp. 63, 65-66.
  • 157 Makdisi (1990), p. 124.
  • 158 See Humbert, “Al-SIrafl”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. IX, pp. 668-669. For al-Tawhldl’s relationship with al-Slrafl, see Chapter 2 below, pp. 68-69.
  • 159 See Carter (2000), p. 268.
  • 160 Makdisi (1990), p. 124.
  • 161 See Humbert, “Al-SIrafl”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. IX, pp. 668-669.
  • 162 See Versteegh (1997), pp. 62-63.
  • 163 See Flanagan, “al-RummanI Abu ‘l-Hasan ‘All b. ‘Isa b. ‘All b. ‘Abd Allah”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. VIII, p. 615.
  • 164 See Gimaret, “Mu‘tazila”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. VII, p. 783. For al-Tawh. -Id-I’s position on the Mu‘tazila and their debating sessions, see Chapter 2 below, pp. 62-63.
  • 165 On the circle of Abu ‘Abd Allah al-BasrI, see Kraemer (1986/a), pp. 178-191; see also Anvari, Mohammad Javad, “Abu ‘Abd Allah al-Basri”, Encyclopaedia Islamica, vol. 1, p. 417.
  • 166 Hourani (1971), p. 7.
  • 167 McCarthy, “al-BakillanI”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. 1, p. 958.
  • 168 For the activities of the circle and the interactions of its members with other circles, see Kraemer (1986/a), pp. 104-134, 198.
  • 169 On al-SijistanI’s circle, see Kraemer (1986/a), pp. 139-165, Kraemer (1986/b). For a discussion of al-Tawhldl’s relationship with al-Sijistani, see Chapter 2 below, pp. 76-77.
  • 170 Kraemer (1986/a), pp. 139-140.
  • 171 For an account of the book, see Versteegh (1997), p. 60-62.
  • 172 For further discussion on this point, see Chapter 2 below, pp. 77-78.
  • 173 For further discussion, see Knysh (2000), pp. 116-140; Mottahedeh (2001), p. 6.
  • 174 See Knysh (2000), pp. 116-127. For examples of these manuals, see al-Sulami, Kitab Adab al-Suhba.
  • 175 See Knysh (2000), p. 116; Malamud (1994), p. 428.
  • 176 According to Kister, al-Sulami attempted to base Sufism upon the teaching of had-th and religious scholars fuqaha); see Kister (1954), p. 3. On the development of Sufism and its relation to H. anbalism, see Melchert (2001).
  • 177 Malamud (1994), p. 428.
  • 178 See for example, al-Sulami, Kitab Adab al-Suhba, p. 23.1-10.
  • 179 For a further discussion see Heck (2006).
  • 180 Al-TawhIdI, al-Muqabasat, p. 95.2-3.
  • 181 Heck (2006), p. 106.
  • 182 Carter (2000), p. 270.
  • 183 See Versteegh (1997), pp. 7-8.
  • 184 For more information on the debate and al-SIrafI’s position, see Chapter 2 below, p. 69.
  • 185 Al-TawhIdI, Akhla-q, pp. 212.5-213.7.
  • 186 See al-Sarraj in Knysh (2000), p. 119.
  • 187 See al-SubkI, Tabaqat, vol. 4, pp. 261.1-262.7.
  • 188 Al-SubkI, Tabaqat, vol. 5, p. 18.4-23.19.
  • 189 See Heck (2013).
  • 190 See al-TawatI (1999), vol. 1, p. 155.
  • 191 Al-TawhIdI’s various group affiliations are the subject of the next chapter.
  • 192 For a discussion of the content of the letter, see Chapter 2 below, pp. 77-81.
  • 193 See Heinrichs in Cooperson (1994), p. 24; see also Makdisi (1990), pp. 1-200.
  • 194 See notes 94-96.
  • 195 See Leaman (1996/a), p. 252.
  • 196 Ibid., p. 252.
  • 197 The Epistles are neatly divided into four main parts: fourteen focus on the mathematical sciences, seventeen on the natural sciences, ten deal with psychological and intellectual sciences, and eleven conclude the last four volumes of the Arabic edition by concentrating on what is called metaphysics or theological science; see Netton (1996), p. 223. For further discussion on the Brethren of Purity and their relation to al-TawhIdI, see Chapter 2 below, pp. 76-77.
  • 198 On al-‘AmirI, see Rowson, “al-‘AmirI, Abu al-Hasan Muhammad b. Yusuf”, Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, vol. XII, p. 72.
  • 199 For al-Farabl, happiness is the absolute good. Nations and citizens of cities attain happiness in this life and supreme happiness in the next life when four human things are met: theoretical virtues, deliberative virtues, moral virtues and practical arts, see al-Farabl, Tahsil al-Sa‘ada, p. 25.
  • 200 Crone (2004), pp. 259-261.
  • 201 Ibid., p. 260.
  • 202 Miskawayh, Tahdh-b, pp. 14.17-15.9, 135.1-8; Zurayk (1968), pp. 13-14, 123; al-TawhIdI, al-Sadaqa, p. 191.13-14. Cf. Aristotle, Politics, 1253a.
  • 203 Al-Tawhldl, al-Sadaqa, p. 191.13-14.
  • 204 Ibid., pp. 191.8-192.1.
  • 205 See Ikhwan al-Safa’, Rasail Ikhwan al-Safa', 40 (3: 375.17-19); ibid., 42 (3: 534.18-21); ibid., 2 (1: 99.19-100.24), in which the Brethren of Purity urge their brethren to consider the story of the ring dove in Kalila wa Dimna, and how it was saved from the net, and the frequent meeting of the animals to exchange news- and support each other.
  • 206 Al-‘AmirI in Crone, p. 260.
  • 207 See Ikhwan al-Safa’, Rasail Ikhwan al-Safa'. 42 (3: 404.7-15).
  • 208 Miskawayh, Tahdh-b, p. 135.3-5; Zurayk (1968), p. 123.
  • 209 Miskawayh, Tahdhib, p. 135.1-3; Zurayk (1968), p. 123.
  • 210 Miskawayh, Tahdh-b, p. 15.1-4; Zurayk (1968), p. 14.
  • 211 See al-TawhIdI, Akhlaq, pp. 410.3-414.2; see al-TawhIdI, al-Basa'ir, vol. 3, p. 545.5-8; al-TawhIdI, al-Imta, vol. 2, p. 84.6-11; al-TawhIdI, al-Muqabasat, pp. 353.8-354.7.
  • 212 For more explanation on the role of philosophy in this period, see Heck (2013), pp. 69-71.
  • 213 See the Brethren of Purity in Heck (2013), p. 71.
 
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