War reporting in Africa: the case of Sudan’s war in the Nuba Mountains

Ogata Moganda Silvester


A short history of the Sudan can be traced to the 19th century in the times of the Mahdi. According to Dovvden and Achebe (2009), Sudan, a majorly Arabic-speaking country of Eastern Africa was indirectly ruled by British colonialists who used Egypt to colonize it. Just slightly before its independence in 1956, the British allowed Christian missionaries into the South, while, no Muslim could be allowed to the South. Between 2005 and 2010 Sudan enjoyed moments of relative peace after a Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) that was signed in Kenya in 2005. At the end of the CPA in 2010, the South held a referendum. This referendum eventually set the South free from the Northern regime, thereby becoming an independent country in 2011 (Nuba Reports 2011). Due to its large geographical diversity Sudan had remained largely unexplored with authorities in the North creating a huge control on resources as opposed to other regions like Nuba Mountains.

The Sudanese government ensured that there was limited accessibility by the media of what was going on internally hence very little has been reported to the outside world. As Dowden and Achebe (2009) observe, the ruling elite of Sudan know much about the outside world than the outside world knows about them and for that reason they are determined to block any information going out about the Khartoum regime. The war that ravaged the Sudan for many years left many communities within it marginalized. There was also wanton destruction of lives, property and infrastructure, lack of schools leading to low literacy levels, poverty, diseases, lack of access to health services, hunger and starvation.

During these periods of continued war in the Sudan, the media found itself at crossroads. This was primarily due to government censorship and inability by the reporters to access remote areas to report actual events on the ground. As Thompson (2007) indicates, in utilitarian genocides - largely motivated by the desire to create, expand and preserve formal states and empires - the perpetrator calls directly on the professional armed forces of the state to facilitate acquisition of wealth, eliminate a perceived threat or spread terror. This can be said to have been the case in Sudan.

According to Watkins and Alley (2017), the republic of Sudan was initially the largest country in Africa, covering approximately 967.5 thousand square miles. However, after the independence of South Sudan, the country now stands out as the third largest country in the continent (United Nations report, 2019). Jok (2007) notes that continued marginalization of black population groups within the Sudan by Arab elite from Khartoum is in itself a cause of civil war in the Sudan. From late 1990s, regions like Darfur and Nuba Mountains have been in war with its government at the North. Atrocities subjected to the Sudanese black population in the Nuba Mountains (commonly referred as South Kordofan) have been brought to public limelight through media reports.

The Nuba Mountains is a large mountainous landscape region in the Sudan. When South Sudan broke away from Sudan in January 2011, at the end of the provision of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), the Nuba Mountains region populated by Nubians remained in Sudanese territory, despite most of the region’s people having fought with the south {Nuba Reports 2011). This in many ways disadvantaged the Nubians due to continued marginalization. Having fought together with the south, the Nuba did not want to be excluded during the referendum.

In writing newspaper stories, just like in other forms of media, news values are taken into consideration. Schultz (2007) identifies timeliness, relevance, identification, conflict, sensation and exclusivity as key news values. According to Schultz, being first with a story — exclusivity - adds value for producers who must attract audiences and can override other news values such as timeliness. Syed (2006) argues that proximity and magnitude are also key in determining a story’s newsworthiness. In proximity, an event taking place more close to home is given more preference than the same event taking place in a distant region. “The news values of magnitude, proximity and significance closely overlap in determining news: the magnitude of news is magnified by its proximity and its significance” (Syed 2006, 51).

Based on the aspect of Sudan’s proximity to Kenya, this chapter analyses how the Daily Nation newspaper - a Kenyan daily publication - with the widest circulation covered Sudan’s war in the Nuba Mountains, between 2014 and 2016. The time frame of 2014-2016 was meant to capture the war that occurred between 2011 and 2017. Reporting of Sudan’s Nuba war, in Kenya’s Nation newspapers is of great significance not only to Sudanese people but also to Kenyans, due to the economic and political interests shared by the two countries. The magnitude of this war is evidenced, by a continued inflow of refugees from Sudan to Kenya and neighbouring countries. The two countries are geographically close to each other, bringing in the factor of proximity in news. A number of Kenyan expatriates, aid workers and peace keeping missions are also involved in working in the Sudan. Significantly, the families of these peace mission workers, the aid workers, in Kenya are greatly interested to know about the welfare of their family members working in Sudan. Therefore, just like in any major newspaper stories, a number of factors that comprise news values are taken into consideration, including frequency, audience identification and impact (Spencer-Thomas 2018).

This chapter focuses on the place of war reporting as an area under news coverage that requires the attention of news values such as objectivity, proximity and impact. The aim was to establish how the Daily Nation and its weekend editions {Saturday Nation and Sunday Nation) reported the war in Sudan as part of its routine news stories. The focus on Sudan war was prompted by Kenyan government’s previous interventions in the Sudan peace process and the influx of refugees to Kenya.

Media and conflict resolution

The media today continue being the major source of news and information on conflicts and war. People in distant lands rely on the media to help them better understand war and why it is being waged (Somerville 2016). The role of newspapers in society still remains crucial, especially in the reporting of war. Newspapers are very relevant as they provide an in-depth coverage of the news with a deep elaboration of events. The Nuba Reports (2011) has documented the most recent war in the Nuba Mountains which broke out in 2011 between the government forces and the Sudan People’s Liberation Army - North (SPLA-N). This was after Sudan authorities defaulted on a popular consultation designed to provide the two states greater political autonomy and insisted on what the rebels considered a premature disarmament of their forces. Fighting resumed after experiencing less than a decade of peace since the previous conflict.

During the six years of recent war in the Nuba Mountains, between 2011 and 2017, the Nuba Reports had been the major news outlet based in the war front of the Sudan. The Nuba Reports comprised of a team of local reporters, who collected information from war incidents, passed it to an international team within Sudan that created stories and published them online. These stories were later shared with global media, Sudanese media partners, who published and shared the stories inside the Sudan, and then the readers shared them with their communities (Nuba Reports 2011).

In news reporting,

events with bigger and negative impacts get more prominence and attention in the media than little or routine events. Although, the media has at times received criticism from sections of society for its negative reporting of the events concerning death, destruction and riots, there is no doubt that people are generally fascinated by such news.

(Syed 2006, 51)

War and conflict form part of interesting stories covered by journalists because of their characterization of chaos and violence. Barash and Webel (2009, 16) define war as “a state of hostile and armed conflict between such political units as states, countries, and nations”. The authors, further, state that the consequences of war are strong and detrimental. In addition to direct casualties, war kills indirectly, particularly by disease among armed forces personnel as well as by starvation as a result of disrupted food production and distribution of services.

An important aspect of news reporting that underlie all stories including war journalism is objectivity (Lynch and Galtung 2010). Peace journalism advocate, Johan Galtung, reinforces objectivity in journalism by pointing out that journalists should be able to cover all sides of the conflict. Lynch and Galtung in Buller (2011), however, indicate that objectivity does not require journalists giving equal coverage to violent responses.

The African perspective in war reporting

Bunce, Franks and Paterson (2016) have noted that Africa is rising and its narrative is evolving rapidly, and with a fast-growing democracy in Africa, the way stories are being told from and about Africa have also changed over time.

Peyi and Edozie (2010) argue that the most important contribution of the media in Africa is to make deliberate presentations of frameworks to validate and render visible the key issues. However, the approach to these key issues affecting Africa like war and conflict, famine and diseases depends on the choices, values and priorities the media gives to them.

General war reporting in the world is as old as human wars and conflicts. Hughes (2017) reports that Africa has had its own share of wars and conflicts that include: the Somalia Inter-clan Conflict of 2011, the Rwandan clan wars of 1994, Mali’s war of 2012 and the South Sudan war of 2013. The causes of these wars could be varied from country to country and from time to time. Nye (2007) observes that the underlying threat causing civil wars in most countries is the power of one group to control the other. However, Nye (2007) notes that the development and growth of media in Africa and reporting of war news can be traced to colonial and post-colonial period of the 1970s and 1980s.

Framing theory and war reporting

The history and foundations of framing theory in media is attributed to Canadian-American sociologist and writer, Erving Goffman. According to Goffman (1974), the basis of framing theory is that the media focuses attention on certain events and then places them within a field of meaning. Goffman further indicates that frames render what would otherwise be a meaningless aspect of the scene into something meaningful. The use of frames overemphasizes certain aspects of reality over others. To reinforce Goffman’s definition, Entman (2007) defines framing as selection of some aspects of perceived reality and making them more salient in a communicating text in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation and/or treatment recommendation for the item described. Frames define problems, diagnose causes, make moral judgements and suggest remedies. As McQuail (2010, 380) observes, a large number of textual devices can be used to perform these activities. They include using certain words or phrases, making certain contextual references, choosing certain pictures or film, giving examples as typical, referring to certain sources. “The manner of reporting, in words, tone and problematiz- ing, constitute frames. There are many cues to draw on including; visuals, language usage, labels, similes and metaphors and familiar narrative structures” (McQuail 2010, 381).

Arowolo (2017) observes that frames can be designed to enhance understanding or used as cognitive shortcuts to link stories to the bigger picture. Fourie (2007) however sees framing as a media effect which describes the influence on the public of the news angles used by the journalists, the interpretative and ideological frameworks from which journalists report an issue and the contextualiza- tion of news reports within a specific ideological framework. These perspectives can be either positive or negative, depending on how they have been ‘ideologically coloured’ by journalists. Some people who have access to the media can use such opportunities to influence how the media advocates for an issue.

In this chapter, we examine the frames that the Nation newspapers used to report the war in Sudan. We analysed the newspaper stories headlines, the leads, the pull quotes and nut graphs. We also looked how the story had been contextualized, which authorities were involved in the story, what considerations were given in terms of story size to give it full significance, what text was used in the pull quotes or in the leads, where the story was placed (in the prime page, front page, facing pages or at the back page).

The restraints from the ruling political elite, like in the case of Sudan’s Omar Bashir, have had a strong control on the media activities in the Nuba Mountains region of Sudan. Adichie (2009) points out that news dominated by a single frame may have a negative aspect on the audience as opposed to news with diverse frames. If a single frame favours the ruling elite, the most likely outcome is rebellion from the opposition. Dowden and Achebe (2009) note that the resistance and fight against the status quo of the ruling elite is what has always sparked war in the Sudan - the governing authority based in Khartoum is the controller of all resources for the Sudanese population living south of the capital.

Great news events of our times have given us insights into the role that global news play in assisting and accelerating political and social change. The report of the event can be as important as the event itself. The impact that an event creates is primary to news (how many people affected, and how they are affected). Reporting of crucial happenings like war, destruction of property and any type of calamity or disaster that endangers the lives of people is as mandatory as the rescue of the people involved (Hachten and Scotton 2007, 63). In most cases, wars like the Gulf War of 1991 and the Rwandan Genocide of 1994 have had strong social, political and economic impact on the peoples. There is destruction of infrastructure, loss of lives, degradation of humanity and security issues. In such times, reporters have obligations and responsibilities to place the suffering and loss of millions of people before the eyes of the developed world, thereby influencing a demonstration of human solidarity across national, religious and cultural divides that previously seemed beyond reach. By placing these atrocities in the eyes of the world, more demand for action is called for.

To narrow down the knowledge gap and any flaws of reporting war in Africa, and especially in countries that have been in constant conflict like Somalia, Sudan and South Sudan, African news reporters have an obligation to frame their stories credibly in the way that they will cause the desired effect. Odindo (2010) notes that Africans must insist on telling their own story because in a conflict situation, nothing beats local knowledge. The distortions brought to African conflicts by the slanted or inaccurate reporting of ignorant foreign correspondents must be countered by African reporters themselves. The reporters, in a way, are part of the story to be reported and cannot afford to run away from the conflict. In Sierra Leone’s civil war, termed ‘Blood diamonds’, of early 2000, a number of local and foreign reporters ran away from the country due to the atrocities and danger they were exposed to. Both local and international media also ‘took off’ from the war zone in Freetown and little of the war of blood diamonds was told to the world (Samora 2002). If a new picture of Africa and its warring countries has to improve and change for the better, it will be dependent on the way African reporters portray the continent in their coverage. As Gaouad (2010) observes, Africa needs a media organisation that will report it in a fair way, the way A1 Jazeera does for the Arab World. The need for an African media fully packed with African reporters would help tell African stories (Mckenzie 2010; Gathara 2014).

Jok (2007) refutes the framing of Sudan in international circles as a failed or weak state. He argues that it’s not necessarily a weak state, but one where the ruling elites have religiously and racially capitalized on its fragmentation, thereby becoming a monopoly of a few, who have entrenched themselves by increasingly promoting and strengthening the political and military position of their narrow but well-funded support base. He further argues that the reporting of Sudan hasn’t been adequately done to give a wider picture of the State that is fighting to regain a lost glory. Jok thereby raises the question of framing and objectivity in journalism today, as pointed out by Baran and Davis (2009). In an environment largely dominated by violence and social injustice with institutions having the power to influence decisions and to gag the media, with an upper hand going to the ruling elite, a focus of framing on media reporting is a necessary condition. As Baran and Davis (2009, 320) note, “these institutions are able to promote frames that serve to reinforce or consolidate an existing social order and to marginalize frames that raise questions about or challenges the way things are”.

Whereas the primary role of the media is to inform the people, theorists like Walter Lippmann have designated through their findings the role of the media as agenda setters. Through the agenda setting role, the media helps in telling the public on what to think about, although not necessarily what to think. With continued crisis and conflicts happening in Africa, especially in war-torn countries like Somalia and Sudan, the media remains a key player in setting the public agenda on the same (Rohilla 2010). The media through balanced framing and priming of their war stories can therefore be of great benefit to the larger society.

176 Ogata Moganda Silvester Findings

A content analysis of Nation newspapers texts was done between 2014 and 2016. A quantitative examination of these stories was done by recording the number of stories reported from each newspaper, the size of the story, the photographs used (size/colour), the cartoons, authorities (frame aspect of the issues mentioned), governance issues, economic issues, health, placement, neutrality, negative or positive. According to Stemle (2001, 1), content analysis is a systematic, replicable technique for compressing many words of text into fewer content categories based on explicit rules of coding. It enables researchers to sift through large volumes of data with relative ease in a systematic fashion. Gunter (2000) points out that the central thrust of content analysis is to provide descriptive account of what a media text (film, advertisement, newspaper report, magazine feature) contains, and do so in a fashion that can be reproduced by others.

Data was collected from the Nation Newspapers (the Daily Nation, Saturday Nation, and Sunday Nation) that had reported the war in Sudan. The Nation newspapers were preferred because of their wide circulation in Eastern Africa, and also because of its scope of stories that extend beyond local news. The Nation newspaper is part of the Nation Media group outlets with a slogan ‘Media of Africa, for Africa'.

The information about these stories of war in the Nuba Mountains was filled using a code sheet. The data in the code sheet included: date of the story, placement of the story, number of accompanying pictures, the size (in cm), picture colour and the human subjects in the story — individual or group.

The findings presented a variety of facts about the war. These included, when the war broke out, the areas most affected by the war, those involved in the war, the intervening authorities to end the war and the sources of reporting in the war. Whereas there were other facts about this war, violence was at centre stage of the stories and sexual crime was lowest having been reported twice in 2015.

War framing

The study findings showed that the word ‘war’ was contained in 90 (55%) reports out of the total 165 stories coded while 75 (45%) of the stories were without the word war. The highest occurrence of the word ‘war’ was in 2014 representing 37% followed by 2016 at 32% and lowest occurrence in 2015 at 31%. Table 13.1 shows the use of the word war.

Table 13.1 The use of the word ‘war’

Use of word ‘war’















The word ‘war’ was largely used in the body of the story, 84% with other uses in the headline, 5%, intro 7%, and photo caption 4%. The following figure shows the distribution of the word war in the stories.

Authority frame

The findings also indicated that the president used largely government ministers (13%), the army spokesman (9%) and government spokesperson (5%) to drive home his message of dictatorial reign to the public as shown in Figure 13.1.

External intervention frames

The United Nations (UN) intervention in this war was found out to be too low at 6% as compared to African Union’s intervention which was at 38%; however, the AU’s intervention was also found out to be insufficient, below 50%. Alongside the UN, there were other intervening efforts to combat the war, which included foreign envoys, regional leaders, ambassadors to the Sudan and international NGOs activism (Figure 1.3.2).

The findings revealed two channels that were mainly used to relay the stories. These were the use of wire agencies like (AFP, Xinhua and BBC) and the Nation Correspondent who was mainly based in Khartoum. The stories from the correspondent mainly provided a report based in Khartoum.

Summary of key findings

The government army continued to gain entry into the rebel territory killing and injuring several people and many others getting displaced. The war continues

Percentage distribution of the position of word ‘war’ in the stories

Figure 13.1 Percentage distribution of the position of word ‘war’ in the stories.

178 Ogata Moganda Silvester

Percentage presentation of international frames of authority

Figure 13.2 Percentage presentation of international frames of authority.

between the government forces and the Sudan People’s Liberation Army - North (SPLA-N). Several efforts by the African Union to broker a peace deal did not bear fruit due to disagreements from both the government side and the rebel side backed by the opposition. The findings show that there was lack of goodwill from the dominant frame, President Omar Bashir, to address the war in the Sudan.

The repeated mention of the president in most of the war-related stories indicated his involvement in the war and his inability to bring it to an end. Efforts of the international community to enter into Sudan and intervene in the peace process were seen to be thwarted as either the envoys were denied entry or expelled from the region. As Dowden and Achebe (2009, 196) observe, “president Omar Bashir claiming national sovereignty, doesn’t want a United Nations peace keeping force because UN, unlike the AU, would bring reporters, and their reports would reveal that his government was supporting Arab militias”.

From the news stories analysed in this chapter (2014-2017), a larger emphasis was laid on the violence that erupted and future threats emanating from the conflict than the efforts to bring peace. This aspect therefore exalted the dominant frames of war, the perpetrator of the war, President Bashir and his army plus the previously affected region - Darfur. Because of an initial focus that mainly highlighted the Darfur conflict, continued attacks in the Nuba Mountains have received little attention as indicated by the findings. The findings indicated that most of the stories were focusing on Khartoum, followed by the conflict in Darfur with little attention on the war in South Kordofan.

The emphasis of war frame alluded that little had been done to end the conflict in the region studied. The reports indicated a repeated use of the word war and an emphasis of Omar Bashir as the major perpetrator of the war, wanted by the ICC for war crimes in the country. From the analysis, it can be argued that most of the stories were purely descriptive of the war. The manner of reporting in words, tone and pictures that constitute frames was purely descriptive expressing the happenings and turn out of events without any explicit taking of sides (see Scheufele and Tewksbury 2006).


The analysis in this chapter of Nation newspapers’ reporting of the war in Sudan has established that a violation of an early peace deal signed in Kenya in 2005, by Sudan President Omar Bashir and the rebels, was the main cause of the war that broke out in 2011 in Sudan. An authoritative regime based in Khartoum controlling the army, with more voice over the opposition and the rebels, was a major reality also in the Sudan. This reality continued to hit hard on the rebel side which was constantly- being fought by the government army. The government army had unrelentingly launched attacks on the rebel villages in the Nuba Mountains maiming and injuring several others. The report on the war had however received little coverage due to limited access by journalists to the area of the conflict in Nuba Mountains and by extension the Blue Nile - the region not adequately covered by the media.

The analysed media reports also show that efforts by the AU to broker peace had not materialized because of the resistance and demands from the parties involved. The inability to attend to those demands continued to worsen the situation and thereby tore the two regions of government and rebels further. The war still leaves South Kordofan, commonly known as the Nuba Mountains, a largely marginalized region with a majority black population. The Sudan Arab elite from Khartoum has been identified as a cause of civil war in the Sudan.


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