Key factors of the commonisation process
According to Nayak and Berkes (2011), the processes of commonisation and decommonisation are continuous, and potentially two-way. Vicuna management was decommonised following the Spanish Conquest, due to the expropriation of land and resources from Indigenous peoples, in addition to mass population displacement and resettlement. The case study in Yavi district, however, illustrates a reversal process of commonisation driven by cooperation among members of Indigenous communities and state agents at different levels of government in Jujuy. This process is not unique to Jujuy, collective action for vicuna management in Peru and Bolivia could also be analysed in the light of a commonisation process that resulted in social cohesion and a revival of local traditions (Renaudeau d'Arc 2005).
In this study we identified a series of factors that promoted commonisation in the Yavi district, many of which overlap with the factors that account for sustainable institutional arrangements to manage the commons (Ostrom 1990, Agrawal 2002) (Table 6.2).
Resource system characteristics'. The population recovery of the vicuna, after indiscriminate hunting, has created a good resource base that has enabled the performance of the chakus. Two models were developed: the one, practiced in the CAMVI Norte (each community performing a chaku in its own territory); and the one, practiced in the CAMVI Sur (communities performing chakus collectively in different communities). Given the mobility of vicunas and the unpredictability associated with the captures, a model followed by CAMVI Sur could be predicted to increase the chances of success.
Relatively low population densities'. Low human population density, resulting from the continuous rural-urban migration, creates a strong need for collaboration among community members and work together with other communities when it comes to vicuna herding.
Rules about inclusion and exclusion'. Only community members participate in the chakus and are entitled to the benefits derived. The CAMVI has formulated rules for allowing communities to enter CAMVI and graduated sanctions for those communities whose chakus result in large vicuna casualties.
Socio-cultural factors', commonisation in vicuna management occurs within the framew'ork of a w'ider process of ethnic re-articulation led by Indigenous groups whose life in the community emerges as a diacritical feature. The existence of traditional community institutions with a customary governance regime enabled the adaptation of already existent rules as well as the development of new ones for conflict resolution, sanctions, and monitoring as a part of vicuna management. The customary systems of reciprocity or tornavuelta facilitated collective action. Vicuna management in the wild follows the local agricultural production mode (i.e. open pastures without fencing). In addition, the Andean worldview of nature and the norms about the use of natural resources for Pachamama contribute to the sustainable use of vicunas. As in the case of Chillika lagoon (Nayak and Berkes 2011), a traditionally established strong connection between the people and the resource - material and spiritual - facilitated resource commonisation in the case of vicuna management.
Enabling legislation'. The configuration of a multi-level governance system (transnational, national and provincial) for the conservation and regulation of the production and commercialisation of vicuna fibre favours commonisation. Through multiple benefits to the local inhabitants the governance system creates conditions that discourage poaching and promote wild vicuna management in a collaborative manner. By recognising local communities, providing land titles and allocating exclusive use rights to communities, the government of Jujuy created legal pre-conditions for the effective functioning of local level institutions. This is extremely important because such legislation does not exist in some other provinces of Argentina, such as Catamarca, w'here private companies are allowed to compete w'ith local communities for vicuna management.
Land tenure: The territorial structure in the Puna is mostly occupied by Indigenous communities who hold or can claim titles to land. Under this condition, availability of private land and market for it is minimal. The National Constitution recognises community tenure of land by Indigenous people w'hich is non-transferable or inalienable.
Supportive government policies: The existence of public policies (and funding) targeted at Indigenous communities aims to enhance collective action in the area. These resources have also enabled public institutions and increased the involvement of local communities. The chakus were visited by the governor of Jujuy on several occasions, w'hich w'as considered symbolic in terms of political support to the communities.
Strong cross scale linkages with rural development institutions: According to Berkes (2007), for effective community-based conservation the project needs to find strategies to strengthen existing commons institutions, build new' linkages horizontally and vertically, engage in capacity-building, build trust, encourage mutual learning, and invest enough time and resources to achieve these objectives. All of these features contributed towards commonisation
in this study. Horizontal and vertical linkages between the CAMVI and different state agencies at the national, provincial and municipal levels significantly contributed to the vicuna management process. Further, strong accountability and trust between these institutions along with a past history of working together added to the process.
Economic factors: There is a need for rural people to increase their household income and incorporate new economic activities that take place beyond the individual (household) level. Vicuna management can easily fit in with already existing activities and does not overlap in terms of labor, land, water or capital. Due to the nature of the product, i.e., as opposed to meat or wool that can be sold at the individual level, collective action is the best way to capture vicunas and commercialise vicuna fibre. This is a group activity and requires collective action for success.
Technological innovation: When it comes to common-pool resources that are mobile, such as vicuna, wild management is the most appropriate technique (Renaudeau d'Arc, 2005). The amount of labour required for vicuna management is best facilitated by cooperation among community members. The involvement of the government departments brings training and innovation in technology that is crucial for vicuna management.