Why the Earth Shakes

How Ryōi can make this claim is unclear, because at the beginning of Foundation Stone he clearly states that the earthquake began on the fi st day of the fifth month, and all other sources are in agreement with this date. There was a rich tradition in Japanese and Chinese lore of earthquakes presaging other events—often outbreaks of disease, famine, military problems, and so on. For more details, see Hagiwara Takahiro et al., Kojishin: Rekishi shiryō to katsudansō kara saguru (Tōkyō daigaku shuppankai, 1982), 45–46; Unno Kazutaka,
“Kigan, majinai no tsukawareta Nihonzu,” in Unno Kazutaka, Tōyō chirigakushi kenkyū, Nihon hen (Osaka: Seibundō shuppan, 2005), 222, 251 (n. 15); and Hashimoto Manpei Jishingaku kotohajime: kaitakusha Sekiya Seikei no shōgai (Asahi shinbunsha, 1983), 49–54. Relevant to Ryōi's use of Su Dongpo's poem, Hashimoto (p. 50) and Unno explain that in Buddhist-influenced earthquake divination, earthquakes might be caused by the movement of the fi e (or hearth) deity, the dragon deity, the golden-winged bird, or the celestial king.

Depending on which month or days of the month these types of earthquakes occur, they could portend either good or bad fortune.

1. Asai Ryōi, Kaname'ishi (1662), in Taniwaki Masachika, Oka Masahiko, and

Inoue Kazuhito, eds., trans., Kanazōshishū (Shōgakkan, 1999), 82–83. For details on the history of Kashima's Foundation Stone in connection with earthquakes, see Gregory Smits, “Conduits of Power: What the Origins of Japan's Earthquake Catfish Reveal about Religious Geography,” Japan Review 24 (2012): 41–65.

2. Early accounts of kami often described them as inscrutable, allotting curses (tatari) for no discernible reason. Medieval kami, by contrast, usually doled out rewards and punishments in accordance with and as exemplifiers of the norms of human society. See Satō Hiroo, Shinkoku Nihon, Chikuma shinsho 591 (Chikuma shobō, 2006), esp. 67–71.

3. This basic concept derives from Chinese thought and closely resembles Aristotelian notions of earthquake mechanics in which underground pneuma is the substance that causes the earth to shake. As Emanuela Guidoboni

and John E. Ebel point out, “In China, as in Europe, the pneumatic theory survived for a long time and was extraordinarily popular for almost two thousand years, becoming the most enduring and widespread theory that has ever been developed.” Guidoboni and Ebel, Earthquakes and Tsunamis in the

Past: A Guide to Techniques in Historical Seismology (New York: Cambridge

University Press, 2009), 152.

4. Mizuno Shōji, “Chūsei no saigaikan,” in Kitahara Itoko, ed., Nihon saigaishi (Yoshikawa kōbunkan, 2006), 97–98. For a detailed discussion of Chinesederived tenjin-sōkan (heaven and human interconnection) thought in

the context of earthquakes in Japan, see Hagiwara et al., Kojishin, 43–47.

Regarding countermeasures, see 44–45, 46–47. For a discussion of era name changes because of earthquakes, see 46–47 and Nihon gakushiin, eds.,

Meiji-zen Nihon butsuri kagakushi (Nihon gakjutsu shinkōkai, 1964), 501.

5. Mizuno, “Chūsei,” 98–99, and Imahori Ta'itsu, “Kokudo no saigai to akukishin: Saigai to zokushin,” in Inseiki bunka kenkyūkai, eds., Seikatsushi (Inseiki bunka ronshū, vol. 5), 198–232. According to the Niō Sutra, for example, “Disorder among the deities leads to disorder in a country. Because the deities are in disorder, so too are the masses of people” (Imahori,

“Kokudo no saigai,” 224). 6. Philip B. Yampolsky, ed., Burton Watson et al., trans., Selected Writings of Nichiren (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), 16. For the full

discussion, see 13–21. See also Mizuno, “Chūsei,” 99, and Imahori, “Kokudo no saigai,” 220–226.

7. Azuma kagami, Kangi 3, 5m 17d. “To attain peace in the realm and a

bountiful harvest for the country, from today, at the Tsuruoka Hachiman Shrine, thirty priests will intone the Dai hannyakyō.” (www5a.biglobe

.ne.jp/~micro-8/toshio/azuma/123105.html, accessed February 14, 2011). See also Mizumo, “Chūsei,” 100–101, and Hagiwara et al., Kojishin, 46.

8. Herman Ooms, Imperial Politics and Symbolics in Ancient Japan: The Tenmu

Dynasty, 650–800 (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2009), 90.

9. Kitahara Itoko, ed., Nihon Saigaishi (Yoshikawa kōbunkan, 2006), 161, and Ueda Kazue and Usami Tatsuo, “Yūshi irai no jishin kaisū no hensen,” Rekishi jishin 6 (1990): 181–187.

10. Taikyoku jishinki, in Aoki Kunio et al., eds., Taikyoku jishinki, Ansei kenbunroku, Jishin yobōsetsu, Bōkasaku zusetsu, Edo kagaku koten sōsho,

vol. 19 (Kōwa shuppan, 1979), 12. See also Hashimoto, Jishingaku, 11–12, and Nihon gakushiin, Butsuri kagakushi, 534–538.

11. Taikyoku jishinki, 12.

13. Ibid., 15.

14. Ibid., 17.

15. Ibid., 18.

16. Ibid., 19.

17. Ibid., 20.

18. Asai Ryōi, Kaname'ishi, 66–70.

19. Hashimoto, Jishingaku, 7–8, and Guidoboni and Ebel, Historical Seismology,

148–149.

20. Quoted in Nihon gakushiin, Butsuri kagakushi, 533. Regarding Kenkon bensetsu, see 532–524 and Hashimoto, Jishingaku, 13.

21. Nihon gakushiin, Butsuri kagakushi, 533, and Hashimoto, Jishingaku,

13. According to Hashimoto, these Kenkon bensetsu explanations are modifications of Aristotle's original theory.

22. Miura Baien, Zeigo, in Yamada Keiji, ed., trans., Miura Baien, Nihon no meicho 20 (Chūō kōronsha, 1984), 454.

23. Baba Nobutake, for example, used language almost identical to Tenkei wakumon

in his 1706 Shogaku tenmon shinan. See Hashimoto, Jishingaku, 14–15.

Although gunpowder served as a metaphor in Tenkei wakumon, several later Japanese scholars of Dutch studies proposed actual gunpowder as a possible cause of earthquakes. For example, Kawamoto Kōmin's Kikaikanran kōgi, published soon after the Ansei Edo earthquake, proposed two theories of underground combustion, one of which was that heated oxygen ignites
saltpeter, charcoal, and sulfur located near the focus of an earthquake. Another book published after the Ansei Edo earthquake was Hirose Genkyō's Rigaku teiyō, based on his reading of several Dutch books. He proposed

that saltpeter, charcoal, and sulfur under the earth explode to create earthquakes. See Hashimoto, Jishingaku, 36–38, and Nihon gakushiin, Butsuri kagakushi, 552–553.

24. Tenkei Wakumon, vol. 2, “Jishin” (Osaka: Ōsaka shobō, 1794 revision of the 1730 edition), manuscript, 28–29 (four pages). See also Hashimoto, Jishingaku, 13.

25. Sima Qian, Shijing, Zhoubenji, King You 2, entry 36. William H. Nienhauser

Jr., ed., Tsai-fa Cheng et al., trans., The Grand Scribe's Records, vol. 1: The Basic Annals of Pre-Han China by Ssu-ma Ch'ien (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994), 73. For the original text, see ctext.org/shiji/zhou-ben-ji.

26. Terashima Ryōan, Wakan sansai zue, vol. 8, Shimada Isao, Takeshima Atsuo, and Higuchi Motomi, trans., eds. (Heibonsha, 1987), 9.

27. Terashima, Wakan sansai zue, 9–10.

28. Terashima, Wakan sansai zue, 11. Although even today it is common for many people to assume a connection between earthquakes and volcanic activity, scientists have not been able to establish any direct link. For a basic explanation, see Shimamura Hideki, Nihonjin ga shiritai jishin no gimon rokujūroku: Jishin ga ōi Nihon dakara koso chishiki no sonae mo wasurezu ni (Sofutobanku kurieitibu, 2008), 90–92.

29. Terashima, Wakan sansai zue, 12.

30. Quoted in Nakamura Misao, “Ansei Edo jishin,” in Chūō bōsai kaigi, 1855 Ansei Edo jishin hōkokusho (Fuji sōgō kenkyūsho, 2004), 6. Nakamura points out that by 1855, experience from other earthquakes had promoted an understanding of soil base as a major factor in the intensity of shaking. See also “Yabure mado no ki,” in DNJS, vol. 2 (otsu), 561.

31. “Nai no nochimigusa,” in DNJS, vol. 2 (otsu), 572.

32. See, for example, Susan Elizabeth Hough, Earthshaking Science: What We Know (and Don't Know) about Earthquakes (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002), 80–83.

33. Terashima, Wakan sansai zue, 12.

34. “Chika yori kaki o hassuru no jō,” in Hattori Yasunari (text) and Utagawa Yoshiharu (illustrations), Ansei kenmonroku (hereafter AKR), vol. 2, 12. See also Arakawa, Jitsuroku, Ō-Edo kaimetsu no hi, 89.

35. “Kokuryōki,” in DNJS, vol. 1 () (Shibunkaku, 1973), 324. In this case, ships unable to dock at Tsuro and Murozu were able to dock at Kōchi for the first time because of approximately two meters of subsidence in the area. See Okada Yoshimitsu, Saishin Nihon no jishin chizu (Tōkyō shoseki, 2006), 169–170. 36. Nishikawa Joken, Kaii bendan, vol. 5 (Kyoto: Ryūshiken, 1715). First four page faces after the heading “Jishin” deal with China; next two-plus page faces deal with Japan.

37. Nishikawa, Kaii bendan, vol. 5, page faces 8–12 after the heading “Jishin.” See also Nihon gakushiin, Butsuri kagakushi, 538–539.

38. For a detailed examination of this and related matters, see Smits, “Conduits of Power,” 41–65.

39. Nishikawa, Kaii bendan, vol. 5, page faces 12–14 after the heading “Jishin.”

See also Nihon gakushiin, Butsuri kagakushi, 539. The later transcription spells the earthquake-prone country as “Beruru,” but it is clearly “Berū” in the original.

40. Nishikawa, Kaii bendan, vol. 5, page faces 1–2 after the heading “Chiretsu oyobi ni yama-sakuru.”

41. Nishikawa, Kaii bendan, vol. 5, page face 3 after the heading “Chiretsu oyobi ni yama-sakuru.” See also Nihon gakushiin, Butsuri kagakushi, 539.

42. Nishikawa, Kaii bendan, vol. 5.

43. Nihon gakushiin, Butsuri kagakushi, 540–550.

44. Miura, Zeigo, 421.

45. Kojima Tōzan and Tōrōan-shujin, Jishinkō (Kyoto: Saiseikan, 1830), first two page faces in the second section of the book, and Hashimoto, Jishingaku, 22–24.

46. Kojima, Jishinkō, page faces 1–3 after the heading “Jishinkō” describe the

1830 earthquake and printed page faces 3–8 describe past earthquakes. “Jishinkō,” in DNJS, vol. 1 (), 589–590. See also Hashimoto, Jishingaku, 23–24, and Nihon gakushiin, Butsuri kagakushi, 562–563.

47. Kojima, Jishinkō, page faces 1–4 after the heading “Jishin no setsu.” “Jishinkō,” in DNJS, vol. 1 (), 590.

48. See, for example, Unno Kazutaka, “Maps of Japan Used in Prayer Rites or as Charms,” Imago Mundi 46 (1994), note on 76.

49. Kojima, Jishinkō, final two page faces in the section “Jishin no shirushi.” A

jishin mushi illustration appears the second part of the book. “Jishinkō,” in DNJS, vol. 1 (), 591 (no illustrations). See also Hashimoto, Jishingaku, 24. To view the illustration, see figure 2.

50. Kojima, Jishinkō, page faces 1–2 in the second section. “Jishinkō,” in DNJS, vol. 1 (), 591. See also Hashimoto, Jishingaku, 24.

That the earth is a sphere was common knowledge throughout the Tokugawa period. Ancient Greek mathematicians proved that the earth was a sphere, and around 240 BCE, Eratosthenes calculated the circumference of the earth to a high degree of accuracy. The idea of a spherical earth later spread to India and the Islamic world, where scholars quickly accepted it. In China the idea did not become firmly established until the Ming dynasty, in part owing
to the work of Jesuit priests. In Japan, there were explicit debates about the shape of the earth and heavens during the first decade of the seventeenth century. Kyoto was a center for astronomy, and Carlo Spinola established a mathematics and astronomy academy there in 1611. See Sugimoto Isao, ed., Kagakushi, Taikei Nihonshi sōsho 19 (Yamakawa shuppan, 1976), 136.

51. In most accounts, earthquakes simply occur, but sometimes they arrive from

a particular direction. For example, from within Kyoto, Asai Ryōi described the Kanbun earthquake as arriving from the northeast. See Kaname'ishi,

15. A diary describing the 1847 Zenkōji earthquake stated, “An earthquake arrived from the west.” See “Koizumi Sōken nichiroku,” in NRJSS, vol. 2, 226.

52. Kojima, Jishinkō, page faces 2–5 in the second section. The third page face

consists of an illustration of the earthquake center. “Jishinkō,” in DNJS, vol. 1 (), 592 (no illustration). See also Hashimoto, Jishingaku, 24–25, and Nihon gakushiin, Butsuri kagakushi, 563. To view the earthquake center illustration, see figure 3.

53. See “Jishin no hōkaku o iu jō,” in AKR, vol. 2, 17–18 (final three page faces). See also Arakawa, Jitsuroku, Ō-Edo kaimetsu no hi, 69–71. To view the diagram, see archive.wul.waseda.ac.jp/kosho/wo01/wo01_03628/ wo01_03628_0002/wo01_03628_0002_p0022.jpg.

54. Kojima, Jishinkō, page faces 10–12 in the second section. “Jishinkō,” in DNJS,

vol. 1 (), 593 (no illustration).

55. Kojima, Jishinkō, page face 16 in the second section.

56. Ibid., section entitled “Daijishinkō no ato.”

57. Ibid., page face 3 in the second section. To view the diagram, see figure 3.

58. In examining the broad discourse on earthquakes, which includes hundreds of minor works, one can occasionally find variations on this idea. For example, one minor text from 1855 or 1856 explains that yin rising upward from out of the earth becomes rain, clouds, or in extreme cases, thunder and lightning. Conversely, yang entering the earth from the sun, in extreme concentrations, causes earthquakes. See “Ansei ni Edo jishin,” in NJS, vol. 5,

supplement 2 (Ansei Edo jishin), part 1, 575.

59. Toyo Tokinari, Honchō jishinki, in Edo josei bunko, vol. 49 (Ōzorasha, 1994), no pagination. See the final page face. The discussion of the causes and warning signs of earthquakes can be found in Kojiruien (an encyclopedic work published between 1896 and 1914), 1359 in “Chibu” (available today via the Kojiruien Database, International Research Center for Japanese Studies: shinku.nichibun.ac.jp/kojiruien/). See also Hashimoto, Jishingaku, 26–27.

60. Toyo, Honchō jishinki, first page face of the main text, and Kojiruien, 1359 in

“Chibu,” entry “Jishin.” This same description occurs in the similarly titled 1855 Honchō jishin no shidai. See DNJS, vol. 2 (otsu), 584 and FN, 563. 61. Toyo, Honchō jishinki, page faces 2–6 from the start of the main text, and

Kojiruien, 1359 in “Chibu,” entry “Jishin.”

62. Toyo, Honchō jishinki. Page faces 7–25 from the start of the main text (including the illustrations) constitute the survey of earthquakes up to 1830. See also the comprehensive listing of major historical earthquakes in the “Jishin” section of Kojiruien under the subheading “Jishin rei,” 1366–1375.

63. Hashimoto, Jishingaku, 26.

64. “Denchū nikki,” in DNJS, vol. 1 (), 247, 248. See also “Fusō Nikki,” in NJS, hoi (supplement), 148. In Kyoto, “fearing earthquakes [= aftershocks], people lived in huts they erected outside.”

65. “Keien ryakki,” in DNJS, vol. 1 (), 249.

66. Konoe nikki, for example, records aftershocks for many days in Kyoto, the most common phrase being tokidoki jishin (earthquakes [= aftershocks] from time to time). The last day on which an aftershock is recorded was 1662/12/7. See NTJSS, 149–154. The Matsuo-ke ruidai nikki (Diary of the Matsuo house generations) typically employs the phrases jishin tokidoki, jishin shō tokidoki (a few earthquakes [= aftershocks] from time to time), or jishin shō (a few earthquakes [= aftershocks]). Its last recording of an aftershock was 1662/8/9. See NTJSS, 154–156.

67. “Mitsuhisa Kyūki,” in DNJS, vol. 1 (), 533–535.

68. “Kyōto jishin kenmonki,” in DNJS, vol. 1 (), 569.

69. “Ibarada Gunshi kenmon satsuyō hikae,” in NRJSS, vol. 2, 212.

70. Quoted in Miki, Kyōto daijishin, 111.

71. Ansei kenmonshi (illustrations by Utagawa Kuniyoshi et al.) (hereafter AKS), vol. 1, fifth page face of main text (including illustrations). See also Arakawa Hidetoshi, ed., Jitsuroku, Ō-Edo kaimetsu no hi: Ansei kenmonroku, Ansei kenmonshi, Ansei fūbunshū (Kyōikusha, 1982), 112. To view this image,

see figure 4.

72. “Yabure mado no ki,” in DNJS, vol. 2 (otsu), 566 (a similar but less detailed system of notation is found in “Honchō jishin no shidai,” 585–586), and “Fujiokaya nikki,” in NJS, vol. 5, supplement 2, part 1, 330.

73. Hashimoto, Jishingaku, 33. This matter is reported in AKR, vol. 3, 10

(ge no jū). See also Arakawa, Jitsuroku, Ō-Edo kaimetsu no hi, 85.

74. “Kamahara Dōzan jishin kiji,” in DNJS, vol. 2 (otsu), 86–88. Apparently there was another earthquake on the twenty-second day of the tenth month, and aftershocks continued for successive days thereafter. Several of these

aftershocks were as large as the initial quake, so that second main shock must have been mild relative to the main shock of the Zenkōji earthquake. See also Shinano mainichi shinbunsha kaihstsukyoku shuppanbu, ed., Zenkōji daijishin, 100–103.

75. Asai, Kaname'ishi, 13–39. See also Kitahara, “Saigai to jōhō,” 236. 76. NJS, hoi (supplement), 149. The rounded, substantial part is labeled “front,” and the part resembling a handle or tail is labeled “back.” The text explains that this object emerged from a giant star, flew across the sky from the southwest (hitsujisaru) to the northeast (ushitora), and disappeared. Clearly, it was not seen as a comet, but a comet may have been the only frame of reference for conceiving of the object's shape.

77. For a summary of earthquake lights, see Susan Hough, Predicting the Unpredictable: The Tumultuous Science of Earthquake Prediction (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010), 135.

78. “Kanrosō,” in DNJS, vol. 1 (), 287. See also Musha Kinkichi, Jishin namazu (Meiseki shoten, 1995, originally published in 1957), 53. Musha, who took this and other accounts of light flashes seriously as an integral component or concomitant of earthquakes, proposed that these light flashes were the result of a series of aftershocks.

79. Anonymous, Jishin narabi ni shikka saikenki (publisher unknown, 1855), 8–9

(text spanning the fifteenth and sixteenth page faces). See also Musha, Jishin namazu, 58.

80. “Jifūroku,” in DNJS, vol. 2 (otsu), 537.

81. Ōsaki Shōji, ed., Kinsei Nihon tenmon shiryō (Hara shobō, 1994), 408. I thank Laura Nenzi for this reference.

82. “Chika yori kaki o hassuru no jō,” in AKR, vol. 3, 11. See also Arakawa,

Jitsuroku, Ō-Edo kaimetsu no hi, 88, and Musha, Jishin namazu, 58.

83. For example, “Ansei itsubō jishin kibun,” in NJS, vol. 5, supplement 2, part 1, 434.

84. Anonymous, Edo Ōjishin matsudai hanashi no tane, 1855, 11. To view the image, see archive.wul.waseda.ac.jp/kosho/wo01/wo01_03639/ wo01_03639_p0012.jpg. See also Musha, Jishin namazu, 59, and Abe

Yasunari, “Jishin to hitobito no sōzōryoku,” in Chūō bōsai kaigi, 1855 Ansei

Edo jishin hōkokusho (Fuji sōgō kenkyūjo, 2004), 131.

85. FN, 516. For a complete listing of these and many other documents from this earthquake dealing with emissions of light and clouds, see SGS, vol. 2 (ge), 951–955.

86. AKS, vol. 2, illustration and text as insert between 10 and 11. See also Arakawa, Jitsuroku, Ō-Edo kaimetsu no hi, 152. The Kenmonshi account simply reports the damaged spire in the context of damage to other shrines

and temples. To view this image, see archive.wul.waseda.ac.jp/kosho/ wo01/wo01_04209/wo01_04209_0002/wo01_04209_0002_p0012.jpg.

For other examples of the damaged spire in popular prints and books, see Nakayama Einosuke, “Ansei no kyodai jishin to kawaraban,” in Inagaki Funio, ed., Edo no taihen: Jishin, kaminari, kaji, kaibutsu (Heibonsha, 1995), 76–77. For “catfish” print examples (without catfish), see #6 and #22 in Miyata
Noboru and Takada Mamoru, eds., Namazue: shinsai to Nihon bunka (Ribun shuppan, 1995), 138, 241–242, 251–252. Print #6 does not mention the beam of ki or light but instead attributes the bending to deterioration of the spire's core support, which had not been replaced in 136 years. To view print #6, see gazo.dl.itc.u-tokyo.ac.jp/ishimoto/2/02–038/00001.jpg. For the Meiji example, see “Jishin to arashi,” in Yomiuri shinbun, January 4, 1885, special edition, 3.

87. Yoshimura Akira, Sanriku kaigan ōtsunami (Bungei shunjū, 2004), 82–87.

88. Musha, Jishin namazu, 52–104. Musha argues that accounts of flashes of light, pillars of fire, and so on “should not be carelessly dismissed as

absurd. It is hardly the case that people of the past purposely wrote lies. . . . Accounts of things such as earthquake light could not have been written by the imagination” (52). He then goes on to analyze the matter for over fifty pages. Musha's earliest example is from 1257, and the next one is from 1703. He seems not to have been aware of Foundation Stone and other Kanbun earthquake materials.

89. Miki Haruo, Kyōto daijishin (Shibunkaku shuppan, 1979), 60–66.

90. Drawing on the work of psychologist Kikuchi Satoshi, Shimamura explains that the common phenomenon of the discovery of precursors after the

fact of an earthquake is an example of “erroneous correlation” (sakugo

sōkan), whereby preconceived notions combined with the shock of a major earthquake can result in the recall, or manufacture, of precursors from events vaguely remembered. See Shimamura, Jishin no gimon, 102–103.

91. “Chōshin hiroku, jōkan,” in NRJSS, vol. 3, 212–218. The passing reference to

“Western learning” may refer to notions of explosions under the earth caused by electricity, gunpowder, or other combustible materials. See chapter 6 for further discussion.

92. Kojima, Jishinkō, first page face in the section “Jishin no shirushi.” “Jishinkō,”

in DNJS, vol. 1 (), 590–591. See also Hashimoto, Jishingaku, 24, and Nihon gakushiin, Butsuri kagakushi, 563.

93. Kojima, Jishinkō, page faces 6–10 in the second section. “Jishinkō,” in DNJS, vol. 1 (), 592. See also Hashimoto, Jishingaku, 25, Nihon gakushiin, Butsuri kagakushi, 564–565, and Miki, Kyōto daijishin, 60–66.

96. FN, 531 and SGS, vol. 2 (ge), 951–952.

97. FN, 556.

98. Ikeya, Motoji, Earthquakes and Animals: From Folk Legends to Science (River Edge, NJ: World Scientific, 2004), 15–16, and Chihiro Yamanaka, Hiroshi Asahara, Yutaka Emoto, and Yuko Esaki, “Earthquake Precursors: From Legends to Science and a Possible Early Warning System,” in Ülkü Ulusoy and Himansu Kumar Kundu, eds., Future Systems for Earthquake Early

Warning (New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2008), 204, 205. 99. FN, 556, and AKS, vol. 3, 19–20. To view this device, see archive.wul

.waseda.ac.jp/kosho/wo01/wo01_04209/wo01_04209_0003/wo01_04209_ 0003_p0019.jpg. See also Arakawa, Jitsuroku, Ō-Edo kaimetsu no hi, 191–192; Hashimoto, Jishingaku, 30–31; Usami, “Kaisetsu,” 43–45; Clancey, Earthquake Nation, 153; and Tsuji Yoshinobu, Sennen shinsai: Kurikaesu jishin to tsunami no rekishi ni manabu (Daiyamondo sha, 2011), 93–95.

100. According to Ikeya, the loss of magnetism in the stone “led to the immediate construction of an earthquake prediction apparatus.” He claims to have constructed a working replica in his laboratory based on the drawing in Ansei kenmonshi. Ikeya, Earthquakes and Animals, 15. See also Yamanaka et al., “Earthquake Precursors,” 204, 205.

101. Tōkyō kagaku hakubutsukan, ed., Edo jidai no kagaku (Meicho kankōkai, 1980, originally published 1934), 257–258.

102. Murayama Masataka, Shinden kōsetsu (1856), in Edo josei bunko, vol. 49 (Ōzorasha, 1994, no pagination). See also Tōkyō kagaku hakubutsukan, Edo Jidai no kagaku, 268.

103. Hashimoto, Jishingaku, 20–21.

104. AKS, vol. 1, approximately full page 15 of text after the table of contents. See also Arakawa, Jitsuroku, Ō-Edo kaimetsu no hi, 121.

105. Miyata Noboru, “Toshi minzokugaku kara mita namazu shinkō,” in Miyata and Takada, Namazue, 24–33, and Miyata Noboru, Kinsei no hayarigami (Hyōronsha, 1972), 158–164.

106. Saitō Gesshin, Bukō nenpyō 1, Tōyō bunko #116, Kaneko Mitsuharu, comp., ed. (Heibonsha, 1968, 1992), 103.

107. Hata Ginkei, Shigure no sode, part 2 (kōhen), vol. 1, in Edo sōsho kankōkai, ed. Edo sōsho, vol. 10 (Meicho kankōkai, 1961), 107–122.

108. Hata, Shigure no sode, 110.

109. AKR, vol. 1, 1 (jō no ichi). See also Arakawa, Jitsuroku, Ō-Edo kaimetsu no hi, 24–25. According to Andrew Markus, “One theory . . . maintained that Edo was permanently immune from the danger of earthquakes, since a

vast number of wells . . . provided more than adequate venting for pent-up 'vapors' in the earth.” See “Gesaku Authors and the Ansei Earthquake of 1855,” in Dennis Washburn and Alan Tansman, eds., Studies in Modern Japanese Literature: Essays and Translations in Honor of Edwin McClellan (Ann Arbor: Center for Japanese Studies, University of Michigan, 1997), 55.

110. Subsidence often appeared as “breaking” (yabure sōrō), especially in early texts. For example, in 1662 the edge of the moat of Osaka Castle “broke” by one shaku. See “Gen'en jitsuroku,” in DNJS, vol. 1 (), 249. After describing damage to samurai and commoner structures in the Obama domain of Wakasa, one passage explains that “there was 'breakage' to the extent of 3 or 4 shaku, from which mud flowed” (250). 111. Hatano, Jun, “Edo's Water Supply,” in James L. McClain, John W. Merriman, and Ugawa Kaoru, eds., Edo and Paris: Urban Life and the State in the Early Modern Era (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1994), 247–248.

112. Udagawa Kōsai, Jishin yobōsetsu (Edo: Suhara Yaihachi, 1856). Quoted passage, 2; illustration of the rods, 16. See also Hashimoto, Jishingaku, 35–36. To view the illustration, see archive.wul.waseda.ac.jp/kosho/bunko08/ bunko08_c0090/bunko08_c0090_p0019.jpg.

113. Experiments in electricity by Benjamin Franklin and others and the occurrence of several earthquakes in the middle of the eighteenth century prompted scientists such as William Stukeley to posit a connection between seismic activity and electricity in the atmosphere in 1750. A year later, Andrea Bina proposed disequilibria in underground electrical fluid as a cause of earthquakes. Writing in response to the Rimini (Italy) earthquake of 1786, Giuseppe Valadier proposed the construction of giant “para-earthquake” towers that served as lighting rods to channel dangerous electric vapors into the ocean. See Guidoboni and Ebel, Historical Seismology, 115, 173–180.

114. Yamazaki Bisei, comp., Ōjishin rekinenn kō (1856), in Edo josei bunko. Sixth

illustration after the table of contents.

115. Hashimoto, Jishingaku, 36–38.

116. Explosive theories of earthquakes had a long history in Europe. In Principia philosophiae (1644), for example, René Descartes advanced a theory of earthquakes whereby fumes from inside the earth might combine to form combustible mixtures. Soon after the Ansei Edo earthquake, Irish engineer

Robert Mallet began important work on seismic waves. Mallet thought that explosive forces of volcanic origin caused earthquakes. See Guidoboni and Ebel, Historical Seismology, 167, 170–172, 184.

 
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