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Meanings

1. Print #175 in Miyata Noboru and Takada Mamoru, eds., Namazue: shinsai to Nihon bunka (Ribun shuppan, 1995), 347–348. See also Suehiro Sachiyo, “Ōtsue no hyōtan-namazu,” in Miyata and Takada, Namazue, 182–185. To view this print, see metro2.tokyo.opac.jp/tml/tpic/imagedata/toritsu/ ukiyoe/0C/0277-C014.jpg.

2. “Kainai jishinroku,” in NJS, vol. 5, supplement 2, part 1, 503.

3. Print #195 in Miyata and Takada, Namazue, 222, 356–357. To view this print, see gazo.dl.itc.u-tokyo.ac.jp/ishimoto/2/02–087/00001.jpg.

4. Print #196 in Miyata and Takada, Namazue, 357. To view this print, see gazo.dl.itc.u-tokyo.ac.jp/ishimoto/2/02–039/00001.jpg.

5. In the aftermath of the Great Kantō Earthquake of September 1923, for example, General Ugaki Kazushige characterized the disaster as a “divine punishment against us who had aspired to a culture of materialism and degrading thoughts,” and the November 11, 1923, Imperial Rescript Enjoining Sincere and Strenuous Life amplified such sentiments to encourage a greater focus on the public good in citizens' lives. See J. Charles Schencking, “The Great Kantō Earthquake and the Culture of Catastrophe and Reconstruction in 1920s Japan,” Journal of Japanese Studies 34, no. 2 (summer 2008): 305, 310. 6. See, for example, “Tōbu jishin no ki,” in NJS, vol. 5, supplement 2, part 1, 559; “Ansei daijishin jikkendan,” in NJS, vol. 5, supplement 2, part 1, 474; and “Yabure mado no ki,” in DNJS, vol. 1 (), 560.

7. FN, 577. See also NJS, vol. 5, supplement 2, part 1, 405 (truncated version), and Wakamizu Suguru, Edokko kishitsu to namazue (Kadokawa gakugei shuppan, 2007), 119–125.

8. FN, 517.

9. Wakamizu, Edokko, 125.

10. Print #14 in Miyata and Takada, Namazue, 139, 245–246. See also print #201 (especially the thirteenth verse), 360–361, and Wakamizu, Edokko, 112–125. To view print #14, see dl.ndl.go.jp/info:ndljp/pid/1301829.

11. Print #43 in Miyata and Takada, Namazue, 109, 265–266. See also Abe Yasunari, “Namazue no ue no Amaterasu,” Shisō 912 (June 2000): 43–44. To view the print, see figure 9 in the present volume.

12. For more details on this matter, see Gregory Smits, “Conduits of Power: What the Origins of Japan's Earthquake Catfish Reveal about Religious Geography,” Japan Review 24 (2012): 54–65.

13. DNJS, vol. 2 (otsu), 539.

14. FN, 516–517.

15. FN, 232–233. See also Noguchi Takehiko, Ansei Edo jishin: Saigai to seiji kenryōku (Chikuma shobō, 1997), 229.

16. For a trenchant analysis of this matter and the broader circumstances in East Asia that contributed to it, see Bob Tadashi Wakabayashi, Anti-Foreignism and Western Learning in Early-Modern Japan: The New Theses of 1825 (Cambridge, MA: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1986), 15–16, 61–68.

17. FN, 519–520. See also Kitahara Itoko, Jishin no shakaishi: Ansei daijishin to minshū (Kōdansha, 2000), 136–137.

18. Constantine Nomikos Vaporis, Tour of Duty: Samurai, Military Service in Edo, and the Culture of Early Modern Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2008), 2.

19. Nagura Tetsuzō, Fūshigan ishin henkaku: Minshū wa tennō o dō miteita ka

(Kōsō shobō, 2004), 189–191.

20. Quoted in Nagura, Fūshigan ishin henkaku, 193. The verse is loosely based on Haykunin isshu 17 (etext.lib.virginia.edu/japanese/hyakunin/ hyakua.html).

21. Quoted in Nagura, Fūshigan ishin henkaku, 180. 22. Ibid., 185.

23. Ibid., 165.

24. Ibid., 186. 25. Nagura, Fūshigan ishin henkaku, 161–163.

26. For example, in 1862 broadside prints criticized the emperor for sacrificing his daughter, Princess Kazunomiya, to political expediency. See Nagura Tetsuzō, Etoki bakumatsu fūshiga to tennō (Kashiwa shobō, 2007), 14–15.

27. AKS, vol. 1, 1. See also Arakawa Hidetoshi, ed., Jitsuroku, Ō-Edo kaimetsu

no hi: Ansei kenmonroku, Ansei kenmonshi, Ansei fūbunshū (Kyōikusha, 1982), 99.

28. FN, 536.

29. Print #142 in Miyata and Takada, Namazue, 236, 327–328. To view this image, see gazo.dl.itc.u-tokyo.ac.jp/ishimoto/2/02–010/00001.jpg.

30. Translation of the text of this print is found in Peter Duus, The Japanese Discovery of America: A Brief History with Documents (New York: Bedford Books, 1997), 110, 112, and in M. William Steele, Alternative Narratives in Japanese History (New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003), 16–17.

31. Abe, “Amaterasu,” 32–35.

32. For example, see #126 and #127 in Miyata and Takada, Namazue, 110, 231, 319–320.

33. Print #131 in Miyata and Takada, Namazue, 8, 321. To view this print, see Figure 10.

34. Abe, “Amaterasu,” 29–32. Further support for the possible reading of “great country” as Japan would be that the text of several other prints with no connection to the black ships or foreigners, begins with “The soil of the great country moves” (daikoku no tsuchi . . . ), a verbatim match with the song. See,

for example, print #191 in Miyata and Takada, Namazue, 355.

35. Kitai Toshio, Shinkokuron no keifu (Hōzōkan, 2006), 7–17 and Satō Hiroo,

Shinkoku Nihon, Chikuma shinsho 591 (Chikuma shobō, 2006), 21–41.

36. From Konjaku monogatarishū, quoted in Kitai, Shinkokuron, 20.

37. The situation in medieval times was more complex and varied than this brief summary can indicate. For the full picture, see Kitani, Shinkokuron, 18–78 (esp. the typology of shinkoku meanings, pp. 16–25) and Satō, Shinkoku, 58–120.

38. Kitani, Shinkokuron, 109–117, quoted passage, 112.

39. Kitani, Shinkokuron, 117–180.

40. Anna Beerens, Friends, Acquaintances, Pupils and Patrons, Japanese Intellectual Life in the Late Eighteenth Century: A Prosopographical Approach (Leiden: Leiden University Press, 2006).

41. Wakabayashi, Anti-Foreignism, 39.

42. Wakabayashi, Anti-Foreignism, 125.

43. Wakabayashi, Anti-Foreignism, 149.

44. Print #68 in Miyata and Takada, Namazue, 111, 284–285. 45. AKR, vol. 3, 13–16 (ge no jūsan–ge no jūroku). See also Arakawa Jitsuroku, Ō-Edo kaimetsu no hi, 90–94 and Kitahara, Jishin no shakaishi, 188. See also Abe, “Amaterasu,” 37–38.

46. Print #30 in Miyata and Takada, Namazue, 112, 257.

47. Print #31 in Miyata and Takada, Namazue, 112, 258.

48. Kitai, Shinkokuron, 118–120. Izumo, Nara and Yamato provinces were also sometimes referred to as shinkoku in the context of Warring States daimyō encroaching on these territories, which had been under control of shrines or temples. Once again, the term shinkoku indicated a crisis that threatened the social structure, albeit at the local level in these cases.

49. Print #44 in Miyata and Takada, Namazue, 106, 266. In this capacity, Ebisu was acting as a rusu(i)gami, that is, a caretaker deity who stands in for

the main kami during the tenth month. Although often depicted as goodnatured, Ebisu's origins are complex and contain a dark side that can manifest itself in certain circumstances. For a detailed explanation of these matters, see Cornellis Ouwehand, Namazu-e and their Themes: An Interpretative Approach to Some Aspects of Japanese Folk Religion (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1964), 16, 82–85. To view print #44, see metro2.tokyo.opac.jp/tml/tpic/imagedata/ toritsu/ukiyoe/0C/0277-C040.jpg.

50. Wakamizu Suguru, Namazu wa odoru: Edo no namazue omoshiro bunseki

(Bungeisha, 2003), 70.

51. Noguchi, Ansei Edo jishin, 194–195.

52. Image #29 in Miyata and Takada, Namazue, 257. For analysis of this image, see Abe, “Amaterasu,” 40.

53. Image #32 in Miyata and Takada, Namazue, 258–60.

54. Abe, “Amaterasu,” 41–42.

55. For example, see prints #66 and #68 in Miyata and Takada, Namazue,

283, 285.

56. T. Fujitani, Splendid Monarchy: Power and Pageantry in Modern Japan

(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), 1–9.

57. Gregory Clancey, Earthquake Nation: The Cultural Politics of Japanese Seismicity, 1868–1930 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006), 131.

58. Print #191 in Miyata and Takada, Namazue, 17, 355. To view this print, see metro2.tokyo.opac.jp/tml/tpic/imagedata/toritsu/ ukiyoe/0C/0277-C031.jpg.

59. Noguchi, Ansei Edo jishin, 212–216. Noguchi points out that this disk represents the sun, not the moon as some have speculated. A rabbit in a disk indeed typically signifies the moon, but the color of the disk in this print is red, although washed out in many copies.

Miyazaki Narumi points out that talk of Enma no ko (child of hell-king Yama) appeared the previous year in Edo. The child was a miniature version of his
father and very strong. According to hearsay, people trapped under beams would sometimes call out for Enma no ko to come and help them. “Ansei itsubō jishin kibun,” in NJS, vol. 5, supplement 2, part 1, 450. In a catfish print, Enma no ko, earthquake victims in Yama's court beg to be treated as his child. Print #16 in Miyata and Takada, Namazue, 246–247. To view this print, see gazo.dl.itc.u-tokyo.ac.jp/ishimoto/2/02–083/00001.jpg.

60. Anne Walthall, “Edo Riots,” in James L. McClain, John W. Merriman, and Ugawa Kaoru, eds., Edo and Paris: Urban Life and the State in the Early Modern Era (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1994), 415–416.

61. Takagi Shunsuke, Ee ja nai ka (Kyōikusha, 1979), 208–231. 63. Ibid., 222–224.

64. Ibid., 225–227. The name comes from the apocryphal tales featuring Chōshū loyalists shouting “Zannen!” (Too bad!) just before they died.

65. FN, 554. See also Noguchi, Ansei Edo jishin, 31–32. The name Sōgorō is

surely significant, owing to the fame of Sakura Sōgorō, a seventeenth-century martyr who by the nineteenth century “had become the patron saint of protest.” Moreover, Sōgorō had become especially popular in Edo after his story appeared on the Kabuki stage in 1851. See Anne Walthall, ed., trans., Peasant Uprisings in Japan (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 35–75, esp. 37.

66. Stephen Vlastos, Peasant Protests and Uprisings in Tokugawa Japan (Berkeley:

University of California Press, 1986), 153.

67. When the Tokugawa period ended, so did these traditional restraints on violence. Early Meiji period social protests often turned deadly. See, for example, David L. Howell, Geographies of Identity in Nineteenth-Century Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), esp. 89–109.

68. Print #19 in Miyata and Takada, Namazue, 248–249.

69. Howell, Geographies of Identity, 100–101.

70. Noguchi, Ansei Edo jishin, 18.

71. Print #45 in Miyata and Takada, Namazue, 6–7, 266–267. This print is also known as Mizugami no tsuge. To view the relevant half of it, see metro2

.tokyo.opac.jp/tml/tpic/imagedata/toritsu/ukiyoe/0C/0277-C004(02).jpg.

72. Several catfish prints feature groups of small catfish representing recent past earthquakes. Some go back only to Zenkōji, and others include Zenkōji but go back as far as Kyoto. See, for example, prints #37 and #76 in Miyata and Takada, Namazue, 110, 262, 292.

73. AKS, vol. 3, 15. See also Arakawa Jitsuroku, Ō-Edo kaimetsu no hi, 183,

186–187, and Kitahara, Jishin no shakaishi, 173–176.

74. “Gojōsho,” in DNJS, vol. 2 (otsu), 549.

75. Wakamizu, Edokko kishitsu, 6.

76. Noguchi, Ansei Edo jishin, 216–222. 77. FN, 518.

78. Julia Adeney Thomas, Reconfiguring Modernity: Concepts of Nature in Japanese Political Ideology (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), 38.

79. Thomas, Reconfiguring Modernity, 43.

80. George M. Wilson, Patriots and Redeemers in Japan: Motives in the Meiji Restoration (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 78.

 
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