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Emphatic coordination

For a proper characterization of Dutch we need to be able to refer to the class of initial morphemes of complex words that express an intensifier meaning (discussed as elative compounds in Hoeksema (2012), since it is exactly this class of morphemes that can be repeated in order to express emphatic meaning (Booij 2010b: 59):

(22) a. noun prefixoids

here- en bere-goed bear- and bear-good ‘very, very good’

bloed- en bloed-mooi blood- and blood-beautiful ‘very, very beautiful’

dood- en dood-ziek death- and death-ill ‘very, very ill’

kei- en kei-leuk boulder- and boulder-cool ‘very, very cool’

pis- en pis-nijdig piss- and piss-angry ‘very, very angry’

poep- en poep-arm shit- and shit-poor ‘very, very poor’

reuze- en reuze-tevreden giant- and giant-pleased ‘very, very pleased’

steen- en steen-rijk stone- and stone-rich ‘very, very rich’

stok- en stok-kreupel stick- and stick-crippled ‘very, very crippled’

stront- en stront-lazerus shit- and shit-drunk ‘very, very drunk’ b. adjective prefixoids dol- en dol-komisch mad- and mad-comical ‘very, very comical’

stom- en stom-dronken dumb- and dumb-drunk ‘very, very drunk’

c. verb prefixoids kots- en kots-beu puke- and puke-sick ‘very, very sick of ’

loei- en loei-heet thump- and thump-hot ‘very, very hot’

piep- en piep-klein peep- and peep-small ‘very, very small’

The same kind of repetitive coordination with emphatic effect is possible with Dutch intensifiers that correspond to prepositions such as door ‘through’ and in ‘in’:

(23) a. door- en door-nat

through- and through-wet ‘wet through and through’

b. in- en in-triest in- and in-sad ‘very, very sad’

If we want to make a generalization as to which elements can occur in such repetitive coordination, we need to be able to refer to the class of compound- initial morphemes with intensifier meaning. The crucial condition for this form of repetition is a semantic one: whatever the lexical category or the degree of productivity, the first word must carry the meaning of intensification:

(24) <[x en x Ai]Aj ^ [very high degree of SEMi]j> «

<[x Ai]Aj ^ [high degree of SEMi]j>

The symbol « indicates that the two schemas are paradigmatically related. The second of these schemas is a general schema that dominates the various constructional idioms for complex words with a first constituent that carries an intensifier meaning. Generalization (24) presupposes the following constructional idiom, which is then instantiated by a large set of compound adjectives with various kinds of intensifying modifiers such as door in doornat:

(25) <[x Ai]Aj ^ [high degree of SEMi]j>


<[door [nat]Ai]Aj ^ [high degree of SEMi]j>

Emphatic repetition of this type is also possible in Frisian that has a number of intensifier affixoids (Hoekstra 1998), such as:

(26) dea ‘death’ dea-bang ‘very afraid’

dea-gewoon ‘very common’ poer ‘pure’ poer-lilk ‘very ugly’

poer-verlegen ‘very shy’ troch ‘through’ troch-kald ‘very cold’

troch-waarm ‘very warm’

Like in Dutch, the intensifier affixoid can be repeated in Frisian by means of coordination with the conjunction en ‘and’, or the older form of this conjunction, ende:

(27) poer-ende-poer-swart ‘pure-and-pure-black, very, very black’ troch-ende-troch-kald ‘very, very cold’

The possibility of using the old form of the conjunction, ende, shows that this is not a regular form of coordination, but a special form of repetition for which a separate coordinative subschema has to be assumed, with ende as conjunction.

This pattern of emphatic repetition applies to all initial compound constituents with an intensifier meaning, including those instantiated by one of a few compounds only, such as those in (28), Dutch compounds in which the first constituent has the intensifier meaning in one compound only:

(28) boter- en boter-zacht ‘butter- and butter-soft, very soft’ pis- en pis-nijdig ‘piss- and piss-angry, very angry’ spin- en spin-nijdig ‘spider- and spider-angry, very angry’ ziels- en ziels-gelukkig ‘soul- and soul-happy, very happy’

We cannot assume a constructional idiom for the intensifier nouns boter-, pis-, spin-, and ziels-, as they occur in these compounds only. Yet, they pattern with the other, more productive intensifier prefixoids. This means that these compounds are instantiations of the general very schema in (25), although they do not instantiate a constructional idiom of their own.

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