An Arab World-View Limited to the Middle Eastern Sphere?

Although the pre-Islamic Arab world must have had some knowledge about western regions, contemporary sources in Latin, Greek, and Arabic suggest that pre-Islamic and early Islamic Arab groups were not really aware of what lay beyond the Middle Eastern sphere.

In 621, one year before Muhammad left Mecca for the oasis of Yathrib, Isidore of Seville (d. 636) finished the first version of his Etymologiae.5° Based on Roman ethnography and the Old Testament, the passages on the Arab world reproduce the ethnographic cliche of a people living at the fringes of civilization.[1] [2] [3] [4] Isidore located Arab groups in a region flanked by Egypt in the west, Mesopotamia in the east, the Lebanon in the north, and the shores of the Arabian Peninsula in the south. 52 Later Latin historiography of the seventh and early eighth centuries reformulated this image of an Arab population confined to the Middle Eastern sphere by portraying the Arabic-Islamic expansion as a string of events during which masses of ‘Saracens’ poured forth into the Mediterranean centres of civilization.53

In Byzantine sources of the sixth century, ‘Saracens’, ‘Arabs’, or ‘Ishmaelites’ engage in the Byzantines’ Middle Eastern campaigns and interact with Constantinople, but never leave the Middle Eastern context.54 According to sources written in the seventh century, Arab groups only left the desert in the course of the Arabic-Islamic expansion to wreak havoc in the urban centres of the Mediterranean.55

This depiction of Arab groups as uncivilized ‘barbarians’ at the periphery of civilization, who suddenly surged forth to challenge the established order, reproduces well-known topoi. Notwithstanding, the fact that Latin and Byzantine sources fail to record Arabs outside the Middle Eastern sphere before the beginning of the expansion while emphasizing their lack of integration into urban society cannot be simply brushed aside, if only for the reason that pre-Islamic and early Arabic- Islamic sources convey the same impression.

Pre-Islamic Arabic poetry ascribed to the sixth century, for example, completely lacks references to western regions. These texts of questioned authenticity were recorded in writing during the Abbasid era.56 They mainly treat the fate of Arab individuals as well as important events of tribal history and thus do not intend to provide geo- or ethnographical information about the outside world.57 They only serve as prime witnesses because pre-Islamic forms of Arabic prose are even less prone to reveal contemporary geographical horizons.58 The world as represented in this poetry is confined to the area between Egypt in the west, the Syrian domains of the Byzantine Empire in the north, Persia and India in the east, and Abyssinia in the south. The extant texts do not address explicitly what poets and their respective communities knew about the non-Arab world but rather allude to the latter’s geo-cultural horizon. Passages compare a woman’s build to a Byzantine bridge^9 her cheek to writing material from Syria, and her lips to dyed leather from Yemen.[5] [6] [7] [8] [9] [10] [11] Others refer to Indian swords, a foreign (probably Abyssinian) herdsman responsible for Yemeni camels,161 Persian troops,62 and the Byzantine emperor.63 Since passages in this vein mainly betray knowledge about adjacent regions, pre-Islamic Arab poetry conveys the impression of constituting an inner-Arab discourse that felt little need to deal with the non-Arab world. One of the earliest biographical dictionaries on Arab poets by the Abbasid scholar Ibn Sallam al-Jumahi (d. 231_32/845_46) reinforces this verdict. Judging from this work, pre-Islamic Arab poets moved in a context almost untouched by contact with the non-Arab world. Even Byzantium is only referred to thrice.64

Early Islamic texts also suggest that the world-view of the pre-expansionist Arabs was confined to the Middle East. All toponyms used in the Qur’an are located in the region.65 Ibn Hisham’s (d. 213/828 or 218/833) biography of Muhammad places the prophet at the centre of a network reaching as far as Byzantium, Sassanid Persia, Ethiopia, and Egypt,66 but only mentions ‘the West’ (al-Maghrib) in connection with a prophecy of conquest.67 Arent Jan Wensinck’s concordance of early Muslim traditions on the prophet (hadith, pl. ahadith), all of them compiled in the early Abbasid era,6® contains only two western toponyms, i.e. the city of Rome and the Maghreb. Rome appears in connection with a prophecy of conquest69 and as the camels assemble round their Abyssinian herdman, who is unable to express himself in the language of Arabia’.

  • 62 Harith b. Hilliza al-Yashkuri, in: Abel, Sammlung (1891), v. 56, p. 34: ‘thumma Hujran a ni ibn umm Qattamin wa-lahu farisiyya khadra’; Moallakat: Poem of Hareth, trans. Jones, in: Clouston, Arabic Poetry (1881), v. 76, p. 90: ‘Next advances Hojar, son of Ommi Kathaam, with an army of Persians, clad in discoloured brass’.
  • 63 Diwan of AbidIbn al-Abras of Asad, carmen IV, v. 19, in: Diwans, ed./trans. Lyall, p. 22 (AR): ‘azamta annaka sawfa ta’tl qaysaran fa-latahlikanna idhan wa-anta shami’, p. 25 (EN): ‘Didst thou say that thou wouldst seek to Caesar for help? — then shalt thou surely die a Syrian (subject to Rome)!’
  • 64 Ibn Sallam al-Jumahi, tabaqat, ed. Shakir, vol. 1, § 254, p. 193, with one reference to ‘foreigners’ ( ‘ajam); vol. 1, § 32, p. 25; § 103, p. 88; § 332, p. 241, with references to Byzantium. See Pellat, ‘Ibn Sallam al-Djumahi’ (1971), p. 927, on the author; Shaykhu, shu'' ara (1991), on the Arab character of pre-Islamic poetry.
  • 65 Abu Khalil, atlas (2000). On the debate as to whether the Qur an was put down in its definitive form during the reign of ‘Uthman (ruled 23—35/644—55), or later, see Donner, Narratives (1998), pp. 5—31, 35—61; Neuwirth, Studien (2007), pp. 1*—54*; Schoeler, Genesis (2009), pp. 11, 30—7; Neu- wirth, Koran (2010), pp. 235—75, all against Ohlig, Anfange’ (2007), pp. 7—13. The author of the present study treats the Quran as a seventh-century text that has to be distinguished clearly from later hadith-literature.
  • 66 See Ibn Hisham, al-sira al-nabawiyya, ed. Wustenfeld, vol. 1, part 2, p. 971, on the letters allegedly sent by the prophet to the Byzantine emperor (qaysar malik al-Rum), the ruler of Persia (Kisra malik Faris), the Negus of Abyssinia (al-Najashi malik al-Habasha), and the head of the Coptic church in Egypt (al-Muqawqis malik al-Iskandariyya). See ibid., vol 1, part 1, pp. 26, 41—2, 217, 222, and ibid., vol. 1, part 2, pp. 761, 792, 971, for further references to the persons in question.
  • 67 Ibn Hisham, al-sira al-nabawiyya, ed. Wustenfeld, vol. 1, part 2, p. 673: ‘fa-inn Allah fataha ‘ alayya al-Sham wa-l-Maghrib’.
  • 68 Wensinck, Concordance, vol. 1—7 (1936—69, 1992—93), indices in vol. 8 (1988), pp. 301^2, builds on the collections of ahadith by Malik b. Anas (d. 179/796), Ahmad b. Hanbal (d. 241/855), al-Darimi (d. 255/869), al-Bukhari (d. 256/870), Muslim (d. 261/875), Ibn Maja (d. 273/886), al-Tirmidhi (d. 279/892), Abu Dawud (d. 274/889), and al-Nasa i (d. 303/915).
  • 69 Asked if Rome (Rumiyya) or Constantinople (al-Qustantiniyya) would be conquered earlier, Muhammad opts for ‘the city of Heraclius’ (madinat Hiraql): Ibn Hanbal, musnad, s. ed., vol. 2, p. 176: ‘idh su’ila rasul Allah (s‘ as) ayyat al-madinatayn tuftah awwalan Qustantiniyya aw Rumiyya fa-qala al-nabi (s‘ as) madinat Hiraql awwalan ya ni Qustantiniyya’. Almost identical: al-Darimi,

destination of a letter sent by the Byzantine emperor Heraclius.70 At first sight, references to the western regions (al-Maghrib) imply that the prophet and his entourage were in touch with ‘Westerners’ from North Africa. Closer inspection reveals that they either contain another variation of Muhammad’s vision of future conquests/1 or deal with issues that only would have become relevant after the conquest of North Africa/2

Later Arabic-Islamic tradition claims that Muhammad and a certain Ka'b al-Ahbar (d. 32/654), a Yemenite Jew who converted to Islam around 17/638 and acquired the status of an authority on early Islam in later tradition/3 referred to the Iberian Peninsula (al-Andalus). Both are said to have used the term ‘al-Andalus’, although this toponym only seems to have become part of the Arabic language after the Muslim invasion in 711/4 The references ascribed to Muhammad only address the peninsula’s future conquest without intimating any real knowledge. In the dhikr bilad al-Andalus (l4th-15th cent.), the only text with a version of the hadith that mentions a source of information, the prophet claims to have received news about al-Andalus from the archangel Gabriel:

And in another narrative [it is reported] that the prophet, may God bless him and give

him peace, said: ‘Gabriel, peace be upon him, informed me that there is an island/

sunan, s. ed., muqaddima: bab man rakhkhasa fi kitabat al-ilm, vol. 1, p. 126; cf. Simone and Mandala, Dimmagine (2000), pp. 35—6.

  • 70 According to al-Bukhari, al-sahih, ed. al-Nawawi, vol. 1, lib. 1 (kitab: bud' al-wahi), cap. 6, p. 7, Heraclius informs a friend in Rome about Muhammad: ‘thumma kataba Hiraql ila sahib lahu bi-Rumiyya’. It is not known if al-Bukhari could have meant the ‘New Rome’ on the Bosporus, cf. Simone and Mandala, Limmagine, p. 10.
  • 71 Ibn Hanbal, musnad, s. ed., vol. 4, p. 338, mentions this prophecy in connection with a certain Nafi' b. Utba who claimed to have been with the prophet when a ‘group of people from the western regions dressed in woollen clothes’ (qawm min qibal al-Maghrib 'alayhim thiyab al-suff) arrived.
  • 72 Muslim, sahih, ed. al-Karmi, lib. 3 (kitab al-hayd), cap. 27 (taharat julud al-mayta bi-l-dibagh), § 106—07 (366), p. 159: ‘qad saaltu 'Abd Allah Ibn Abbas, qultu: inna nakun bi-l-Maghrib, wa-ma'ana al-Barbar wa-l-Majus, nati bi-l-kabsh qad dhabahuhu, wa-nahnu la nakul dhaba ihahum, wa-yatuna bi-l-siqa, yaj'aluna fihi al-wadak, fa-qala Ibn Abbas: qad saalna rasul Allah (s' as) an dhalika fa-qala: dibaghuhu tahuruhu’. [‘I asked 'Abd Allah Ibn Abbas saying: We are in the western regions, and with us are Berbers and Magians. We bring rams they have slaughtered, but we do not eat what they have slaughtered, and they come with skins which they fill with fat. Upon this Ibn Abbas said: We have asked the Messenger of God (peace be upon him) about this and he said: “Its tanning makes it pure.”’] One may assume that the issue of accepting hides from non-Muslims in the west only arose as soon as Arabs entered the west in the course of the Arabic-Islamic expansion. Another discussion on purity in Cook, ‘Cheese’ (1984), pp. 449—64.
  • 73 Schmitz, ‘Ka'b al-Ahbar’ (1978), p. 316.
  • 74 According to the geographer Yaqut (d. 626/1229), mu'am, ed. Wustenfeld, vol. 1, lemma ‘al-Andulus’ (sic!), p. 375, the term ‘al-Andalus’ only became known after the rise of Islam: ‘wa-hiya kalima 'ajamiyya lam tasta'miluha al-'Arab fi l-qadim wa-innama arafatha al-'Arab fi l-islam . . .’. According to Torres Balbas and Colin, ‘al-Andalus’ (1960), p. 486, the term al-Andalus derives from the ethnonym ‘Vandals’. Vallve Bermejo, ‘nombre’ (1983), pp. 301—55, and Vallve Bermejo, Division (1986), pp. 17—62, believes that the term is related to the Greek concept of Atlantis adopted and imposed on the Iberian Peninsula by the expanding Arabs. Halm, ‘Al-Andalus’ (1989), pp. 252—63, traces the term back to a non-documented Gothic word designating the distribution of land among Vandals, Sueves, Alans, and Goths. Bossong, ‘Name’ (2002), pp. 149—64, regards it as the derivate of a Basque toponym made up of the parts ‘anda’ and ‘luz’ which applied to the first island conquered by the Muslims and was later extended to the Muslim parts of the Iberian Peninsula. Sabio Gonzalez, ‘al-Andalus’ (2004), pp. 223—7, believes it originally applied to a Visigothic administrative province.

peninsula (jazira) in the farthest west called al-Andalus, which my people will conquer

after my death . . .’[12] [13] [14] [15] [16] [17]

Since these texts are recorded by authors from the late medieval Muslim West, two of them from al-Andalus/6 they seem to fulfil the purpose of creating a direct link between the prophet and the Iberian Peninsula. The Andalusian geographer al-Zuhri (6th/12th cent.) even questioned the authenticity of one of the versions of this hadith, stating:

if this hadith is authentic, then al-Andalus has enough reasons to be proud of itself.

However, if its authenticity cannot be proved, it is at least in accordance with the book

and law of God/7

There is no reason why the Yemenite Jew Ka'b al-Ahbar, who is credited with similar prophecies equally devoid of information/8 should have known more about the Iberian Peninsula than other inhabitants of Arabia/9 Six volumes of Ibn Sa'd’s (d. 230/845) biographies on the prophet’s entourage and later traditionists (vols Ш-УШ) only mention western locations in connection with the Arabic- Islamic conquest of North Africa or traditionists who lived there or in al-Andalus in later periods/0

Thus, Arabic sources dealing with the period before the expansion fail to mention Arab activities in the western Mediterranean. These sources imply that neither the pre-Islamic Arabs nor Muhammad and his entourage had much knowledge of what lay to the west and northwest of Egypt. They rather depict a pre-expansionist Arab world that was immersed in itself and took little notice of what went on beyond its immediate surroundings.

There are reasons to question if this impression is entirely correct. Latin-Christian and Byzantine authors of the pre-expansionist period tended to relegate Arab groups to the uncivilized periphery. Then the Arabic-Islamic onslaught fortified topoi that emphasized the Arabs’ ‘barbarian’ nature.[18] [19] [20] [21] [22] [23] [24] [25] With regard to Arabic material, we must consider again that pre-Islamic poetry, Islamic holy scripture, hagiograph- ical literature on the prophet, and later Arabic-Islamic historiography on this period did not intend to convey geographic and ethnographic knowledge. Their thematic focus has to be explained in conjunction with the emergence of an Arab identity in the period between the fourth and the seventh century that culminated in the fusion of Arab groups under the banner of Islam.

The so-called Namara-inscription from southern Syria is often considered the earliest expression of, or at least the earliest claim to a comprehensive Arab identity. This epitaph of a certain Imru l-Qays who defined himself as ‘king of all Arabs’ (mlk 4 crb) in 328 ce, is still written in Nabatean script, but in a language that can be accepted as an early form of standardized Arabic.82 While the commercial networks maintained by the Nabateans seem to have contributed to the spread of a specific form of Arabic as a supraregional vehicular language^3 the groundwork for a written culture in Arabic language and script was laid in the sixth century in the periphery of Byzantium and Persia at the Ghassanid and Lakhmid courts. Their promotion of a literary culture that expressed shared experiences and ideals in poetry84 furthered the standardization of Arabic, the emergence of a broader linguistic community as well as the creation of a collective memory.85 With the advent of Islam, the Qur’an, which repeatedly defines itself as a document in Arabic^6 catapulted this community’s form of verbal expression to the status of a sacred language.87

Thus, pre-Islamic and early Islamic literary culture testifies to the convergence of Arab identities and their merging with Islam in the period leading up to the Arabic-Islamic expansion. Although this convergence was far from absolute and fiercely contested even long after the conquests,88 a long-running process of ethnic, linguistic, and religious unification stands at the basis of the early Muslims’ achievement of mobilizing a large percentage of Arab groups. This process took place in a period that witnessed a comparatively low degree of connectivity between the northwestern and southeastern shores of the Mediterranean. It drew on internal forces that, in a different historical constellation, could have laboured for a more complete integration of Arab groups into the Byzantine or Persian orbit and Arab access to the wider world as assimilated subjects of these empires. As the expression of an emerging Arab identity vis-a-vis the great Middle Eastern empires of the sixth and early seventh centuries, pre-Islamic and early Islamic Arabic literature obviously fails to mention those parts of the world that were not of immediate concern.

Recently emerged, this Islamicized Arab identity soon faced serious challenges. Ibn Khaldun (d. 808/1406) convincingly argues that the expansion confronted the Arabs with the entire range of cultural achievements characteristic of more developed urban societies, thus triggering a large-scale process of cultural reception and assimilation on the part of the newly established Arab elites.[26] [27] [28] [29] This must have represented a great challenge to recently emerged ethno-religious identity patterns. The speed of the expansion contributed to the rapid diffusion, but also to the dilution of Arab culture now faced with several well-established subject cultures. Ibn Sallam’s (d. 231_32/845_46) biographical dictionary clearly addresses the inherent threats to this recently emerged cultural identity by discussing the impact of the expansion on the Arabs’ poetical heritage:

Then Islam came, occupying the Arabs’ senses, and they became active striving for God (al-jihad) and raided the Persians and the Byzantines (al-Rum), neglecting poetry and its recital. When Islam grew and the conquests took place and the Arabs settled in the military garrisons (al-amsar), they began to recite poetry again. However, they neither had an anthology nor a book at their disposal, and when they wrote it down, some of the Arabs had already died by natural death or during fighting, to the effect that they only preserved little while much was lost.9°

Ibn Sallam describes the efforts to preserve this heritage, thus leading his reader into the history of the earliest remnants of Arabic poetry. This need to preserve in an age of transition that witnessed the rise of the Arabs as a people, as a religious community and as empire-builders also finds expression in the early Arabic-Islamic literature’s almost obsessive focus on the life and times of the prophet. From now on, this period began to occupy a central place in every trans-epochal historical narrative written by a Muslim author in Arabic.91 The need to preserve also stands at the basis of early efforts to retain an overview over tribal genealogy.92

Consequently, neither the geopolitical constellation of the sixth century nor issues of genre can be solely held responsible for the fact that Arabic sources on the pre-Islamic and early Islamic period neglect to deal with the non-Arab world and, specifically, with regions in the west. The formation of an Arabic-Islamic memory in written form eclipsed certain aspects of pre-Islamic Arab history. The latter deemed secondary when compared with the necessity of preserving the Arab cultural heritage and safeguarding the founding narrative of Islamic salvation history vis-a-vis various urbanized societies of differing ethnic, cultural, and religious composition now under the rule of Arab elites. Latin, Greek, and Arabic sources may speak in favour of a limited geographical horizon of Arab groups at the eve of the expansion. However, given the character and orientation of these sources and considering that Arab groups had been part of larger Mediterranean networks up to the fourth century and continued to do so, with lesser intensity, in the fifth and sixth centuries, it seems plausible to credit some of them with a vague knowledge of regions in the west.

  • [1] References to Plinius in Isidorus Hispalensis, Etymologiarum libri, ed. Lindsay, lib. XII, cap. 2,9,2,11, 2,20, 2,28, 4,43, 6,45, 6,63; references to the Old Testament in lib. IX, cap. 2,57; lib. XIX, cap.25,6; cf. Tolan, Saracens (2002), pp. 10—12; Philipp, Quellen (1913).
  • [2] 52 Isidorus Hispalensis, Etymologiarum libri, ed. Lindsay, lib. VIII, cap. 5,59; lib. IX, cap. 2,14;2,18; 49; lib. XII, cap. 1,35, 4,29, 7,22—3; lib. XIV, cap. 3,13—26; lib. XV, cap. 1,35; lib. XVI, cap.2,3, 7,9, 7,11, 8,3-5, 13,6; lib. XVII, cap. 7,1, 8,1-2, 8,4-6, 8,9, 8,12, 9,4, 9,11; lib. XIX, cap. 23,7,25,6, 26,10.
  • [3] Chronicarum quae dicuntur Fredegarii libri quatuor, ed. Krusch (MGH SS rer. Merov. 2), cap.66, pp. 153—4; cap. 81, p. 162; Continuatio Hispana, ed. Mommsen (MGH AA 11), § 9, p. 337;cf. Rotter, Abendland (1986), pp. 67—181. See Tolan, Saracens (2002), pp. 10—12, 40—55, 72—83, onIsidore, Bede, and the Hispanic chronicles of the eighth century.
  • [4] Cf. Procopius (d. c.562), Persian Wars, Vandalic War, Gothic Wars, trans. Dewing; Secret History,trans. Atwater; cf. Kawar, ‘Procopius’ (1957), pp. 79—87. See the lemmata Alamundaros’, Arethas’,and ‘Sarazenen’ in Johannes Malalas (d. 577), Weltchronik, trans. Thurn and Meier, index. See Fisher,‘Perspective’ (2004), pp. 56—7, on Sozomen, Procopius, and John Malalas.
  • [5] Cf. Maximus Confessor (d. 662), ep. 14, ed. Migne (PG 91), p. 540, trans. Kaegi, ‘Reactions’(1969), p. 142; Anastasius Sinaita (d. after 700), Sermo 3, ed. Migne (PG 89), p. 1156, trans. Kaegi,‘Reactions’, p. 142. See Kaegi, ‘Reactions’ (1969), pp. 139—49, and Hoyland, Islam (2001), on EasternChristian sources of the seventh and eighth centuries.
  • [6] As confirmed by Ibn Sallam al-Jumahi (d. 231—32/845^6), tabaqat, ed. Shakir, vol. 1, § 32,p. 25; cf. McDonald, ‘Poetry’ (1978), pp. 14—15. On their authenticity, see Ahlwardt, Aechtheit(1872); Muir, ‘Poetry’ (1879), pp. 72—92; Husayn, fi l-adab al-jahili (1927); Lecomte, ‘al-Mu allakat’(1993), p. 254; Montgomery, ‘Tarafa’ (2000), p. 218; Blachere, ‘'Antara’ (1960), p. 521; Gabrieli,‘Abid b. al-Abras’ (1960), p. 99; Hoyland, Arabia (2003), p. 212. Bauer, ‘Relevance’ (2010), pp. 701—2,pleads for their authenticity.
  • [7] See the overviews provided by Huart, History (1903), pp. 10—33; Nicholson, History (1907),pp. 1—140; Hoyland, Arabia (2003), pp. 211—19.
  • [8] Cf. Serjeant, ‘Prose’ (1983), pp. 114—28; Hoyland, ‘Epigraphy’ (2007), pp. 219^2.
  • [9] Tarafa b. al-'Abd al-Bakri, al-muallaqa al-thaniya, in: Abel, Sammlung (1891), v. 23, p. 7; diwanshir Tarafa al-Bakri, ed. Ahlwardt, cap. 4, v. 22, p. 55: ‘laha marfiqani aftalani kaannama umirrabi-salma dalijin mutashaddidi ka-qantarati al-rumiyi’; Moallakat: Poem of Tarafa, trans. Jones, in:Clouston, Arabic Poetry (1881), v. 22, p. 19: ‘Her joints are well knit, and her bones are solid, like abridge of Grecian architecture’.
  • [10] Tarafa b. al-'Abd al-Bakri, al-mu'allaqa al-thaniya, in: Abel, Sammlung (1891), v. 31, p. 7; diwanshir Tarafa al-Bakri, ed. Ahlwardt, cap. 4, v. 32, p. 56: ‘wa-khaddun ka-qirtas al-shami wa-mishfarunka-sibti al-yamani . . .’; Moallakat: Poem of Tarafa, trans. Jones, in: Clouston, Arabic Poetry (1881),v. 30, p. 20: ‘Her cheek is smooth and white as paper of Syria; and her lips, as soft as dyed leather ofYemen . . .’.
  • [11] 'Antara, in: Abel, Sammlung (1891), v. 25, p. 28; diwan shi r 'Antara al-'Absi, ed. Ahlwarth, cap.21, v. 30, p. 46: ‘kama awat hizaqun yamaniyyatun li-a' jama timtimi’; Moallakat: Poem of Antara,trans. Jones, in: Clouston, Arabic Poetry (1881), v. 25, p. 57: ‘as a multitude of black Yemenian
  • [12] dhikr biladal-Andalus, ed./trans. Molina, p. 16: ‘wa-fl riwaya ukhra 'an al-nabi salla llahu 'alayhiwa-sallam annahu qala: fa-akhbarani Jibril 'alayhi al-salam anna bi-aqsa al-maghrib jazira tusammabi-l-Andalus taftahuha ummati ba'di . . .’; cf. Vallve Bermejo, Division, p. 25.
  • [13] 76 Ibn 'Idhari, al-bayan, ed. Colin and Levi-Proven^al, vol. 1, p. 7; dhikr bilad al-Andalus, ed./trans. Molina, vol. 1, p. 16; al-Zuhri, al-ja^rafiya, ed. Hadj Sadok, § 209, pp. 80—1; cf. Vallve Bermejo,Division (1986), pp. 22—5.
  • [14] al-Zuhri, al-ja' rafiya, ed. Hadj Sadok, § 209, p. 81: ‘fa-in kana hadha al-hadith sahihan fa-kafabihi fakhran al-Andalus, wa-in kana lam yathbut fa-huwa muwafiq li-kitab Allah wa-sunnatihi’; cf.Vallve Bermejo, Division, p. 25.
  • [15] E.g. by al-Tabari, tarikh, ed. Ibrahim, vol. 4, AH 27, p. 255; al-Himyari, al-rawdal-mi tar, ed.'Abbas, lemma ‘al-Andalus’, p. 33.
  • [16] As claimed by Makki, ‘Egipto’ (1957), p. 161.
  • [17] Ibn Sa' d, al-tabaqat al-kubra, ed. Sachau, vol. 3, part 1, p. 90: ‘wa-' Urwa al-akbar qutila yawmIfriqiya . . . wa-Salim al-asghar qutila yawm fath Ifriqiya . . . wa-'Abd Allah b. 'Abd al-Rahman qutilabi-Ifriqiya yawm futihat’; ibid., vol. 7, part 2, p. 207: ‘wa-kana bi-Ifriqiya Khalid b. Abi ' Umran minahl Tunis min Ifriqiya wa-kana thiqa in sha’ Allah wa-la yudallis wa-kana bi-l-Andalus Mu' awiya b.Salih wa-kana qadiyan lahum wa-kana thiqa kathir li-l-hadith’; ibid., vol. 9, part 2, p. 4 (Index considering vols III-VIII). The only reference to the peninsula is found in connection with Mu' awiya b.Salih al-Hadrami. He entered the Iberian Peninsula around the middle of the eighth century and waslater appointed judge by the first Umayyad amir, see ibid., vol. 7, part 2, p. 207; cf. Fierro, ‘Introduction’ (1989), p. 68.
  • [18] See Rotter, Abendland (1986); Hoyland, Islam (2001).
  • [19] 82 Versteegh, Language (2001), pp. 31—2; Hoyland, Arabia (2003), pp. 79, 240; Shahid, Byzantium[Fourth Cent.] (1984/2006), pp. 32—53; Bellamy, ‘Reading’ (1985), pp. 31—52; Retso, Arabs (2003),pp. 467—73. Earlier examples of Arabic in non-Arabic scripts in Robin, ‘Inscriptions’ (2001),pp. 546-7.
  • [20] See Knauf, ‘Arabo-Aramaic’ (2010).
  • [21] 84 Hoyland, Arabia (2003), pp. 241-2; Kassis, ‘We’ (2006), pp. 67-70. These courts figure oftenin poems ascribed to this period, see Noldeke, Fu.rsten (1887); Rothstein, Dynastie (1899). Knauf,‘Arabo-Aramaic’ (2010), p. 246, highlights that Arabic was not the only language used at these courts.
  • [22] Chejne, Language (1969), pp. 6-7; Hoyland, Arabia (2003), pp. 241-2; cf. Knauf, Arabo-Aramaic (2010), p. 239; Bauer, ‘Relevance’ (2010), p. 730.
  • [23] 86 Cf. sura 12:2; 13:37, 20:113; 26:195; 42:7; 43:3 etc. On links between early Arabic poetry andthe Qur’an, see Bauer, ‘Relevance’ (2010), pp. 699-732; Neuwirth, Koran (2010), pp. 672-722.
  • [24] Cf. Robin, ‘Reforme’ (2006), pp. 157-202.
  • [25] Grunebaum, ‘Nature’ (1963), pp. 16-19; Donner, Conquests (1981), pp. 82-90; Abd AllahKarir, harakat (2006).
  • [26] Ibn Khaldun, tarikh, ed. Zakkar and Shahada, vol. 1, pp. 632—3. See Khalek, ‘Cult’ (2007),pp. 360—6, on Muslims venerating John the Baptist in early Islamic Syria.
  • [27] 9° Ibn Sallam al-Jumahi, tabaqat, ed. Shakir, vol. 1, § 32, p. 25: ‘fa-jaa al-islam, fa-tashaghalatanhu al-Arab, wa-tashaghalu bi-l-jihad wa-ghazw Faris wa-l-Rum, wa-lahat an al-shir wa-riwayatihi.fa-lamma kathura al-islam, wa-ja at al-futuh, wa-tma annat al-Arab bi-l-amsar, raja u riwayat al-shir,fa-lam yaulu ila diwan mudawwan wa-la kitab / maktub, wa-allafu dhalika wa-qad halaka minal-Arab man halaka bi-l-mawt wa-l-qatal, fa-hafizu aqall dhalika, wa-dhahaba alayhim minhu kathir’.See the critical evaluation in Margoliouth, ‘Origins’ (1925), pp. 423^.
  • [28] Khalidi, Thought (1996), pp. 1^8; cf. Khalidi, Narratives (2009).
  • [29] 92 Khalidi, Thought (1996), pp. 49—54, on the genealogical writings of Hisham b. al-Kalbi (d. 204/819 or 206/821) among others.
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