Diplomacy and Political Interaction

The Arabic-Islamic expansion also facilitated direct exchange between societies dominated by Latin-Christian and Arabic-Islamic elites respectively, e.g. via official envoys.

Between the eighth and the eleventh century, diplomatic exchange was most intensive between societies situated in the border zones of the western Mediterra- nean.182 Still small and insignificant, the emerging Christian polities of northern Spain maintained relations with the Umayyad emirate and caliphate, but did not yet reach out to the rest of the Islamic world. 183 Muslim incursions into the Frankish realm at the beginning, the Carolingian intervention in the northeast of the Iberian Peninsula at the end of the eighth century resulted in diplomatic exchange between the Umayyads on the one hand, the Carolingian sphere and its eastern Frankish successor on the other hand.184 Because of the close links between the Frankish sphere, the Iberian Peninsula, and the Maghreb, exchange also involved North African actors.185 Being the main centre of political activity in Western Europe up to the early tenth century, the Carolingian sphere also established irregular contact with the Abbasid sphere.^6

Despite initial contact in the middle of the seventh century, direct diplomatic relations between the papacy and Muslim rulers were scarce until the eleventh century.[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] [9] Italian maritime cities, in turn, interacted with the Islamic world from an early period onwards.188 Direct commercial relations between Venice and Muslim North Africa are attested for the first half of the eighth century,^9 whereas Amalfi maintained commercial relations with Umayyad al-Andalus, North Africa, and Fatimid Egypt in the tenth century.190 Contemporary Latin sources such as the Chronicon Salernitanum provide insight into conflictual and peaceful relations between Naples, Benevent, Salerno, and Amalfi on the one side, Muslim groups in southern Italy as well as in North Africa on the other side.m Byzantine dominions provided a setting for occasional encounters.m

Although Western European regions farther north do not seem to have maintained diplomatic relations, they were not completely isolated from contact with the Islamic world. Anglo-Saxon pilgrims from the British Isles are attested in the Holy Land at the beginning of the eighth century. 193 Nonetheless, data on the British Isles in the works of Middle Eastern Arabic-Islamic historiographers before al-Idrlsl (d. c.560/1165) is either based on late antique Ptolemaic geography or highly distorted. Exchange with the Middle Eastern sphere seems to have been so scarce that it escaped the notice of Arabic-Islamic scholars.m Direct relations between the British Isles and al-Andalus remain a matter of speculation. 195 Numismatic evidence attesting to the flow of Middle Eastern and Andalusian Islamic coins to the North before 1000 ce does not prove that the Arabic-Islamic sphere maintained direct relations with northern Europe.However, Arabic-Islamic sources written before this date devote considerable attention to groups known as ‘al-Majus’, ‘al-Arman’, ‘al-Warank’, and ‘al-Rus’.197 Whereas only a few Scandinavians who travelled southeast via the eastern route (austrvegr) reached the Muslim Middle East,i98 negotiations in the aftermath of Viking raids on the coastlines of al-Andalus and North Africa resulted in direct contact. 199 These raids may have provoked a Spanish Umayyad embassy to a northern Viking court in the ninth century.2°°

Diplomatic relations intensified from the eleventh century onwards. Encroaching upon the Mediterranean, Latin Christians transformed existing networks of communication. Having established rule in southern Italy and Sicily, Norman elites began to play a leading role in North African and Middle Eastern affairs for about two centuries.2°i The crusader principalities of the so-called ‘Latin East’ soon interacted intensively with their Muslim neighbours.2°2 Crusading activity attracted manpower from the British Isles2°3 and Scandinavian4 Already an active force in early medieval Italy,2°5 the Germano-Roman Empire established diplomatic contact with the Ayyubid dynasty in the period leading up to the third crusade. When Sicily had become part of the empire, Frederick II significantly intensified diplomatic relations.2°6 The expanding Christian polities of the Iberian Peninsula cultivated political relations with Muslim al-Andalus and North Africa.2°7 Assurgent polities such as the Crown of Aragon reached out to the 757—96) with a deficient Arabic inscription and the lettering ‘OFFA REX’ that imitates a dinar issued by the Abbasid caliph al-Mansur (ruled 136—58/754—75), cf. Schwendler, Angesicht’ (2008), pp. 112—13.

  • 197 Seippel (ed.), Rerum Normannicarum fontes, pp. 1—5, 42, 49—78 (trans. Sammarai, Sources), cites texts by Ibn Khurdadhbah, al-Yaqubi, Ibn Rustah, al-Masudi, Ibn al-Qutiyya, al-Mutanabbi, al-Istakhri, and al-Blruni.
  • 198 Musset, ‘Scandinavie’ (1979), p. 64, on Scandinavians in ‘Serkland’. On this term and its disputed location, see Melnikova, ‘Inscriptions’ (1998), p. 655; Simek, Kosmographie (1990), pp. 208—9; Jesch, Ships (2008), pp. 104—7.
  • 199 Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis II-l, ed. Makki, trans. Makki and Corriente, fol. 186r, p. 454 (AR), p. 315 (ES), on the Norman attack on Seville in 230/844. The aggressors stayed on a nearby island for some days to permit the ransom of prisoners. On the raids, see Collins, Spain (1983), pp. 194—6.
  • 200 Allen, Poet (1960); El-Hajji, ‘Relations’ (1967), pp. 67—105; Tibi, ‘Vikings’ (1996), pp. 211—17; Dietrich, ‘al-Ghazal’ (1998), pp. 64—6. Hermes, Other (2012), p. 198 n. 32, counters doubts in Pons-Sanz, ‘Whom’ (2004), pp. 5—28, and Christys, ‘Vikings’ (2012), pp. 447—57.
  • 2°1 Abulafia, ‘Kingdom’ (1985), pp. 26^9; Metcalfe, Muslims (2009), pp. 160—80; Catlos, Muslims (2014), pp. 90—127. See Aube, Empire (1999), on Norman involvement in the crusades.
  • 2°2 Holt, ‘Treaties’ (1980), pp. 67—76; Holt, ‘Relations’ (1988), pp. 180—95; Kohler, Allianzen (1991); Dajani-Shakeel, ‘Relations’ (1993), pp. 190—215; Holt, Diplomacy (1995); Catlos, Muslims (2014), pp. 128-62.
  • 2°3 Tyerman, England (1988); Lloyd, Society (1988).
  • 2°4 Riant, Expeditions (1865); Orrman, ‘Church’ (2003), pp. 457-8; Hamre, ‘Church’ (2003), p. 659; Moller Jensen, Denmark (2007), pp. 35-208; Kolditz, ‘Herrscher’ (2008), p. 90.
  • 2°5 Pauler, Regnum (1982); Wolf, ‘Otto II’ (1991), pp. 155-61; Kreutz, Normans (1996), pp. 5-17, 27-35, 37^7, 102-6, 119-25.
  • 6 Mohring, Saladin (1980), pp. 125-9, 134-5; Hamza Shihata, al-'alaqat (1989); Horst, Sultan (1997).
  • 2°7 Burns and Chevedden, Cultures (1999), pp. XIII-XIV, for a valuable bibliographical overview;

UMR 5648, Pays (2000), pp. 24-5, 143-5, 204-7, 226-9, 242-4, 262-7, for source material in French translation. Cf. Guichard, ‘Relations’ (2008), pp. 229^7; El-Aallaoui, ‘Echanges’ (2008), pp. 249-69; Jadla, ‘L’Ifriqiyah’ (2008), pp. 311-21; Viguera Molins, A propos’ (2008), pp. 469-81; Valerian, ‘Agents’ (2008), pp. 893-5.

eastern Mediterranean^08 Only the maritime republics of Italy, whose correspondence and treaties with Muslim rulers attest to intensive communication^9 rivalled it in its effort to establish enclaves of commercial and diplomatic activity in Muslim territory^™

Consular activity in the Maghreb and the Orient laid a basis for the institutionalization of diplomatic relations. Serving as an intermediary between Latin-Christian powers and Muslim authorities, the consul represented the interests of foreign powers on Muslim soil.211 Claims were formulated in several bilingual treaties.212 Juridical interaction involved cases of varying complexity with regards to the status of Latin-Christian subjects in territory under Muslim rule. The issue of how to classify juridically Muslim ‘citizens’ subject to Iberian Christian powers but active in Muslim sovereign territory serves to illustrate the degree of communication necessary to find compromises that suited all parties involved.213

Engaged in mobilizing and coordinating crusader forces^4 several popes of the eleventh to thirteenth centuries corresponded with Muslim rulers from North Africa and the Middle East in their efforts to protect Christian communities under Muslim rule and to enlarge the community of believers in Christ under papal hegemony.215 Although the papacy exerted influence on the Spanish church of the Reconquista period^6 letters to or from Muslim rulers in al-Andalus still have to be found. Notwithstanding, direct contact is attested for the eleventh and the thirteenth centuries.217 In its diplomacy, the papacy was aided by several monastic orders, e.g. Templars, Hospitallers, Franciscans, and Dominicans,218 whose members [10] [11] [12] [13] [14] [15] [16] [17] [18] [19] [20]

served as papal envoys219 but also pursued semi-independent agendas, e.g. of redeeming Christian captives22° and, especially in the case of Franciscans and Dominicans, of preaching the Christian faith to Muslims.221 The rising numbers of treaties, as well as the diplomatic formulae used in letters and contractual agreements attest to the professionalization of diplomacy222 and an increased aptitude for bridging cultural and religious divides on both sides.223

How did all this diplomatic activity contribute to the flow of information from the Latin-Christian to the Arabic-Islamic sphere? Envoys of Christian rulers provided their Muslim hosts with various kinds of information, including propaganda,224 reports about the situation of their country,225 potential dangers^6 details of their mission including political objectives,227 their opinions about other Latin-Christian actors,228 and even historical narratives.229 Muslim envoys in Latin-Christian territories, in turn, had many opportunities to collect impressions of the respective society. Carolingian and Ottonian rulers reportedly kept them waiting for months.23° Although tendentious and not necessarily authentic,

  • 219 Lupprian, Beziehungen (1981), p. 114 (Templars), p. 117 (Hospitallers), pp. 125, 129, 140, 177 (Franciscans), pp. 131, 157, 162—3, 168 (Dominicans).
  • 22° Ibid., p. 107. For orders active in the western Mediterranean, see Brodman, Captives (1986); in the eastern Mediterranean: Friedman, Encounter (2002), pp. 187—212, 239—52. Brodman, ‘Community’ (2006), pp. 241—52, for a comparison between east and west.
  • 221 Altaner, Dominikanermissionen (1924); Kedar, Crusade (1988), pp. 97—158; Tolan, Saracens (2002), pp. 214—55; Muller, Bettelmonche (2002); Tolan, ‘Porter’ (2008), pp. 533—48.
  • 222 Cf. Amari, Diplomi (1863), 2 vols; Mas Latrie, Traites, 2 vols (1866/1872); Wansbrough, Documents (1961). Compare Pequignot, ‘Instructions’ (2008), p. 39, and Pequignot, Nom (2009), with Bjorkman, Beitrage (1928), on Aragonese and Mamluk administration.
  • 223 Kedar, ‘Religion’ (2008), p. 421.
  • 224 According to Iohannis abbas, Vita lohannis, ed. Pertz (MGH SS in folio 4), § 135, p. 376, the Ottonian envoy John of Gorze spoke to the caliph Abd al-Rahman III of Cordoba about the following issues in 956: ‘De nostri imperatoris potentia atque prudentia, de robore et copia militum vel exercitus, de gloria et divitiis, de bellorum industria et successibus, multaque id generis.’ Cf. Walther, ‘Dialog’ (1985), pp. 20^4; Kedar, ‘Religion’, pp. 407—8; Konig, Auseinandersetzungen’ (2011),

pp. 26—8.

  • 225 When al-H akam II received various delegations from northern Spain in 360/971, ‘each party reported on the situation of his country’. Cf. Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis VII, ed. al-Hajji, Annex, p. 242, ‘fa-dhakara kull fariq minhum ahwal baladihi’.
  • 226 A messenger from one of the Christian counties of lower Galicia (adani Jilliqiya) informed the caliph that Norman groups had entered the Duero Valley, cf. Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis VII, ed. al-Hajjl, AH 360, p. 27, and the commentary, pp. 254—5.
  • 227 Dominican envoys, sent by pope Innocence IV to the Ayyubid governor al-Mansur Ibrahim of Homs in 1245, disclosed their objective of establishing diplomatic contacts with the Mongols and unfolded the pope’s plans of affiliating the church of Antioch to Rome. Cf. Lupprian, Beziehungen
  • (1981), pp. 163, 167.
  • 228 Ibn Wasil, mufarrij, ed. Rabf and Ashur, vol. 4, AH 626, p. 251, claims to cite what Frederick II said about the pope to the amir Fakhr al-Din al-Shaykh in Acre in 626/1228.
  • 229 A list of Frankish kings presented to the future caliph al-H akam II in Cordoba by the bishop Godemar of Girona in 328/939^0 became available to al-Masudi (d. 345/956), muruj, ed./trans. Pellat, § 912, p. 146 (AR), p. 344 (FR). Cf. Zuccato, ‘Gerbert’ (2005), pp. 742—63. Yusuf b. Waqar al-Israili, Jewish physician to the House of Castile, provided Ibn al-Khanb (d. 776/1375), acmal al-a4am, ed. Levi-Proven^al, pp. 322—38, with a history of the Christian kings of al-Andalus; cf. Antuna, ‘Version’ (1933), pp. 105—54; Leon Tello, Judios (1979), vol. 1, pp. 146—7; Stearns, ‘Passages’ (2004), pp. 157-82.
  • 23° Notker Balbulus (d. 912), Gesta, ed. Haefele (MGH SS rer. Germ NS 12), lib. II, cap. 8, p. 59: ‘Nuntiatique imperatori dilati sunt ab eius conspectu usque in vigiliam pasch^’; Annales Bertiniani,

detailed descriptions of a delegation’s activities provide a vivid impression of how envoys acquired information about the workings of a foreign realm and society.231 Such texts enable us to flesh out more secure evidence on ‘official’ travel companions premonishing their masters of an envoy’s mission,232 on spies entrusted with the task of acquiring intelligence on the ruling elite of a neighbouring realm,233 on envoys travelling around and attending official ceremonies^4 or suffering rejec- tion.235 Some reports of diplomatic missions are still extant.236 Previous scholarship explained that Muslim rulers lacked information on the Latin-Christian world because they tended to employ religious minorities in their communication with the latter.237 However, apart from the fact that many envoys in the sources cited above adhered to Islam, there is no reason why ambassadors had to be Muslims to serve as carriers of information. Muslim rulers will have expected a detailed report on the return of their envoys, regardless of the latter’s religious attachment.238 Political actors in subordinate or non-official roles, e.g. missionaries, hostages, and dissidents, also acted as information carriers. Although resulting in the occasional conversion^9 missionary activity failed to contribute much to transmission, probably because it was either ignored24° or aroused indignation rather than ed. G. Waitz (MGH SS rer. Germ. in us. schol. 5), pars III auctore Hincmaro, a. 863, p. 66: ‘quem cum honore et debito salvamento ac subsidio necessario in Silvanectis civitate oportunum tempus, quo remitti honorifice ad regem suum posset, opperiri disposuit’; Astronomus, Vita Hludowici, ed. Tremp (MGH SS rer. Germ. in us. schol. 64), cap. 27, p. 368: ‘ferme tribus detenti sunt mensibus’; Iohannis abbas, VitaIohannis, ed. Pertz (MGH SS in folio 4), § 115, p. 370: ‘Legati, quibus episcopus quidam praeerat, dignitate solemni pro tanta magestate excepti, diuque retenti . . .’.

  • 231 Notker Balbulus (d. 912), Gesta, ed. Haefele (MGH SS rer. Germ. NS 12), lib. II, cap. 8—9, pp. 59—62, on the envoys of Harun al-Rashid to Charlemagne around 800; cf. Nelsen, ‘Sicht’ (2003), pp. 100—7. Ibn Dihya, al-mutrib, ed. Seippel (Rerum Normannicarum fontes), p. 20; Ibn Dihya, al-mutrib, ed. al-Ibyari et al., p. 146, on an Andalusian embassy to a Viking king in the late ninth century; cf. Jacob, Berichte (1927), p. 42; Dunlop, ‘Ibn Alkama’ (1971), p. 701. Chronicon Salernita- num, ed. Westerbergh, § 99, p. 100, on Muslim envoys to Salerno; cf. Kreutz, Normans (1996), p. 40.
  • 232 Iohannis abbas, Vita Iohannis, ed. Pertz (MGH SS in folio 4), § 119—20, p. 371.
  • 233 Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis VII, ed. al-Hajji, AH 361, p. 76: ‘li-l-sifara baynahu wa-bayna muluk Jilliqiyya wa-liqa qawamisiha wa-l-taraddud ilayhim kull waqt li-taarruf akhbarihim wa-l-tajassus li-anba ihim wa-hamal al-kutub ilayhim kull waqt’. Ibn Khaldun, tarikh, ed. Zakkar and Shahada, vol. 6, p. 426: ‘wa-awfada al-sultan rusulahu ila l-Faransis li-khtibar rihalihi wa-musharitatihi ‘ala ma yakuff ‘ azmahu’.
  • 234 Chronica regia Coloniensis, ed. Waitz (MGH SS in us. schol. 18), cap. 23, a. 1173, p. 124: ‘Imperator vero eosdem legatos honorifice secum per dimidium fere annum detinuit et singulas civi- tates et ritus diligenter notare et inspicere concessit’; cf. Annales Aquenses, ed. Waitz (MGH SS in folio 24), a. 1174, p. 38: ‘Imperator in pascha Aquis coronatus est, et filius eius et imperatrix, sub presentia nuntiorum Salahdin’; cf. Mohring, Saladin (1980), pp. 125—9.
  • 235 Matthaeus Parisiensis, Chronica majora, ed. Luards, vol. 3, pp. 488—9; Matthaeus Parisiensis, Historia Anglorum, ed. Madden, vol. 2, p. 409, trans. Giles, vol. 1, p. 131.
  • 236 Ibn Wasil, mufarrij, ed. Rabi‘ and Ashur, vol. 4, AH 626, pp. 248—50. Ibn Khaldun, tarikh, ed. Zakkar and Shahada, vol. 7, p. 551; Ibn Khaldoun, Prolegomenes, trans. de Slane, vol. 1, p. xliv.
  • 237 Lewis, Discovery (1982/2001), pp. 91—2. Further counter-examples in Catlos, Muslims (2014), pp. 249-51.
  • 238 Lupprian, Beziehungen (1981), pp. 132—4, on the non-Muslim envoy Iohannes Gabras, who delivered secret messages from sultan ‘Ala5 al-Din Kayqubadh of Konya to pope Gregory IX around 1234. Cf. Beihammer, ‘Kirche’ (2013), p. 288 with n. 110.
  • 239 E.g. Kedar, Crusade (1988), pp. 8 n. 15, 14 n. 26; Tolan, Saracens (2002), p. 138.
  • 24° Petrus Venerabilis, Contra sectam Saracenorum, ed. Kritzek, fol. D. 180vs, pp. 230—1, on his intention to write to the ‘Saracens’, cf. FranceMed, ‘Introduction’ (2012), pp. 32—3. Papal letters of

interest among Muslims.241 However, ecclesiastical activities in Muslim territories may have served the transmission of information in the cases of clerics negotiating the redemption of captives,242 priests, and monks responsible for the pastoral care of local Christians under Muslim rule,243 or friars who engaged in conversations with Muslim theologians.244 In border zones, we find much evidence for the exchange of hostages, e.g. on the Iberian Peninsula,245 or between crusaders and their Muslim adversaries.246 Moreover, the Muslim world offered many opportunities for defection. Latin-Christian dissidents occasionally won the attention of Muslim elites on the Iberian Peninsula,247 in Italy,248 the Middle East of the crusading period,249 or the late medieval western Mediterranean^0 Most cases of Muslims seeking refuge with Latin-Christian elites before the eleventh century involved dissidents from Muslim Spain who defected to the Frankish realm or the Christian realms in the north.251 In later times, one finds Muslim dissidents, political refugees, pious exhortation to Muslim rulers procured no results; cf. Lupprian, Beziehungen (1981), pp. 120—5,

  • 128-9, 131, 171.
  • 241 Kedar, Crusade (1988), pp. 136-58, esp. 154-8, on the frustration produced by the failure of missionary activity in Muslim societies; Cenival, ‘L’Eglise’ (1927), pp. 69-83, and Tolan, ‘Porter’ (2008), p. 537 n. 15, on Franciscans in thirteenth-century Marrakesh.
  • 242 Lagardere, Histoire (1995), fatwa no. 291, p. 72.
  • 243 Raimundus de Pennaforte, Responsiones ad dubitalia, ed. Ochoa Sanz and Diez, cap. 1-5, pp. 1024-6.
  • 244 Merigoux, ‘L’ouvrage’ (1986), p. 62; Burman, ‘Friar’ (2007), pp. 93-109.
  • 245 The Muslim governor Anbasa receives Frankish hostages in Nimes: Chronicon Moissiacense, ed. Pertz (MGH SS in folio 1), a. 715, p. 290; Charlemagne receives Saracen hostages from Zaragoza: Annales Mettenses posteriores, ed. de Simson (MGH SS rer. Germ. in us. schol. 10), a. 778, p. 99; Annales qui dicuntur Einhardi, ed. Pertz and Kurze (MGH SS rer. Germ. in us. schol. 6) a. 778, p. 51; Annales Regni Francorum, ed. Pertz and Kurze (MGH SS rer. Germ. in us. schol. 6), a. 778, p. 50; Basque hostages taken by the Umayyads: Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis II-2, ed. Makkl, pp. 307-9; akhbar majmu'a, ed./trans. Lafuente y Alcantara, p. 114 (AR), p. 105 (ES). Cf. Fierro, ‘Hostages’ (2012), pp. 73-83; Burns, ‘Crusade’ (1971), pp. 143, 147.
  • 246 Frankish hostages taken after the fall of Damiette in 618/1221: Ibn al-Athir, al-kamil, ed. Tornberg, vol. 12, AH 614, p. 216 (Leiden), p. 330 (Beirut). Cf. Hazard, ‘Caesarea’ (1975), p. 88; Friedman, Encounter (2002), pp. 27-8, 68, 77, 117-18, 243; Kosto, ‘Hostages’ (2003), pp. 3-31; Madden, History (2005), p. 175.
  • 247 Annales Regni Francorum, ed. Pertz and Kurze (MGH SS rer. Germ. in us. schol. 6), a. 827, p. 172; cf. Senac, Carolingiens (2002), pp. 91^; Annales Bertiniani, ed. Waitz (MGH SS rer. Germ. in us. schol., 5), pars II auctore Prudentio, a. 846, p. 34; cf. Riess, ‘Aachen’ (2005), pp. 131-57.
  • 248 Chronica S. Benedicti Casinensis, ed. Waitz (MGH Script. rer. Lang.), cap. 13, p. 475; cf. Kreutz, Normans (1996), p. 39; Liudprandus, Liber de rebus gestis Ottonis, ed. Becker (MGH SS rer. Germ. in us. schol. 41), cap. 4, pp. 160-1; cf. Althoff, Ottonen (2005), p. 116.
  • 249 Albertus Aquensis, Historia Ierosolimitana, ed./trans. Edgington, lib. 2, cap. 37, pp. 126-9; Odo de Diogilo, Deprofectione Ludovici VII in orientem, ed. Waquet, p. 79; Chronica Magistri Rogeri de Houedene, ed. Stubbs, vol. 2, p. 307; Gesta regis Henrici secundi Benedicti Abbatis, ed. Stubbs, vol. 2, pp. 11-12; Abu Shama, al-rawdatayn, ed./trans. Barbier de Meynard (RHC hist. or. 4), AH 586/1191, p. 490; cf. Arnold, Preaching (1913), pp. 88-93.
  • 250 Hugo Falcandus, Historia, ed. Siragusa, p. 99, trans. Loud and Wiedemann, pp. 147-8; cf. Metcalfe, Muslims (2009), p. 202; Ibn Khaldun, tarikh, ed. Zakkar and Shahada, vol. 6, pp. 417-18; vol. 7, p. 89; Ibn Khaldoun, Histoire des Berberes, trans. de Slane, vol. 2, p. 347; vol. 3, p. 316; cf. Akasoy, ‘Vorlagen’ (2008), pp. 153—4; Bresc et al., Circulation (2002), p. 69; also see Miret i Sans, ‘Vida’ (1911), pp. 261-96; Calvet, Anselmo (1913); Epalza, ‘Aportaciones’ (1965), pp. 87-158; Epalza, Anselm (1994); Alvarez, ‘Anselm’ (2002), p. 174.
  • 251 Annales Fuldenses, ed. Pertz and Kurze (MGH SS rer. Germ. in us. schol. 7), a. 797, p. 13; Annales Mettensespriores, ed. de Simson (MGH SS rer. Germ. in us. schol. 10), a. 797, p. 82; cf. Senac, Carolingiens (2002), pp. 60-2. Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis II-1, ed. Makkl, trans. Makkl and Corriente, or their supporters, in the crusader camp252 and at Christian courts of the Iberian Peninsula.253

It is inconceivable that the close political relations characteristic of these border zones failed to impart a fair impression of the other’s society and ruling elite. Neighbourship certainly entailed rumours and gossip crossing political boundaries.254

  • [1] Konig, ‘Ausstrahlung’ (2010), pp. 43—5, lists the relevant sources. According to Rouche, ‘Pape’(1996), pp. 205—16, the papacy was fairly active in the background.
  • [2] Note papal efforts to disrupt coalitions between Muslim invaders and local powers on theApennine Peninsula of the ninth century. Cf. Engreen, ‘Pope’ (1945), pp. 318—30; Daniel, Arabs(1975/2004), pp. 76—9; Kreutz, Normans (1996), pp. 57—60; Arnold, Johannes VIII (2005), pp. 207—20;Gantner, ‘Visions’ (2012), pp. 403—21.
  • [3] Hoffmann, ‘Adriakuste’ (1968), pp. 165—81.
  • [4] Heyd, Geschichte (1879), pp. 104—38; Cahen, ‘Texte’ (1955), pp. 61—7; Citarella, ‘Relations’(1967), pp. 299—312; Citarella, ‘Patterns’ (1968), pp. 531—55; Schwarz, Amalfi (1978), pp. 15—45;Kreutz, ‘Ecology’ (1988), pp. 103—13; Kreutz, Normans (1996), pp. 75—93; Constable, Trade (1996),pp. 41—2.
  • [5] Chronicon Salernitanum, ed. Westerbergh.
  • [6] Cf. Leo III. papa, ep. 7, ed. Hampe (MGH Epp. in Quart 5), p. 98, on papal envoys andSaracen ambassadors in the presence of the Byzantine patricius of Sicily, in 813; cf. Kreutz, Normans(1996), p. 49; Eickhoff, Seekrieg (1966), p. 60. Liudprandus, Antapodosis, ed. Becker (MGH SS rer.Germ. in us. schol. 41), lib. VI, cap. 6, pp. 155—6, on his encounter with ‘Hispanic envoys’ inConstantinople.
  • [7] Claude, ‘Orientfahrten’ (2000), pp. 247—8.
  • [8] Dunlop, ‘Isles’ (1957), pp. 11—28. See Chapter 8.2.1.
  • [9] Dunlop, ‘Isles’ (1957), pp. 11—12. See Picard, ‘Recits’ (1995), pp. 77—9, 85, as well as Picard,LOcean (1997), pp. 33^, 76, on possible Muslim navigation of the Atlantic north of the IberianPeninsula. The tenth-century travel account of the Andalusian Jew Ibrahim b. Ya'qub al-Isra ill mayhave contained a description of Viking Ireland and a passage on whale hunting, which seems to bebased on hearsay gathered by the traveller during his sojourns on the Atlantic coast, see: Miquel,‘L’Europe’ (1966), pp. 1050-1, 1057-8. 196 Musset, ‘Scandinavie’ (1979), pp. 60-2; Barcelo, ‘Why’ (1983), pp. 5-18; McCormick, Origins(2001), pp. 349-51. Rather curious is a coin minted by the Anglo-Saxon king Offa of Mercia (ruled
  • [10] Schadek, ‘Tunis’ (1975), pp. 335—49; Lopez Perez, Corona (1995); Coulon, Barcelone (2004),pp. 43—132; Jaspert, ‘Diplomatie’ (2008), pp. 151—90.
  • [11] Amari, Diplomi (1863), 2 vols; Mas Latrie, Traites, 2 vols (1866/1872); Wansbrough, Documents (1961); Wansbrough, ‘Treaty’ (1965), pp. 39—79; Wansbrough, ‘Venice’ (1965), pp. 483—523;Allmendinger, Beziehungen (1967); Jehel, Lltalie (2001), pp. 103^2; Valerian, ‘Genes’ (2004), pp.827—38; Valerian, ‘Agents’ (2008), pp. 885—900; Buresi, ‘Traduttore’ (2008), pp. 297—309.
  • [12] Constable, Housing (2009), pp. 107—57, 266—305.
  • [13] Mansouri, ‘Consuls’ (2000), pp. 151—62; Jehel, LItalie (2001), pp. 116—24; Abulafia, ‘Redes’(2004), pp. 338—51. Cf. the case study by Christ, Conflicts (2012).
  • [14] Mas Latrie, Traites, vol. 1 (1866). 213 Valerian, ‘Conflits’ (2003), pp. 547^9.
  • [15] 214 See France, Crusades (2005), pp. 23—63; cf. Housley, Papacy (1986); Konig, ‘Ausstrahlung’
  • [16] (2010), pp. 15-16.
  • [17] Courtois, ‘Gregoire VII’ (1945), pp. 97-122, 193-226; Lupprian, Beziehungen (1981); Hettinger, Beziehungen (1993); Richard, ‘Reponses’ (2008), pp. 323-32. Papal letters demanding theprotection of Christians in Lupprian, Beziehungen (1981), pp. 109, 116, 118-19, 181, 204-5, 280-3;letters exhorting Muslim rulers to convert to Christianity, ibid., pp. 120-5, 128-9, 131, 171; a letteraddressing papal efforts to create a union of the Greek church of Antioch with Rome, ibid., pp. 166-7.Cf. Richard, ‘Papaute’ (1941), pp. 253-61; Setton, Papacy (1976, 1978, 1984), 3 vols.
  • [18] Linehan, Church (1971); Vones, Historia (1980); Herbers, ‘Papsttum’ (2002), pp. 25-60;Engels, ‘Sudwesten’ (2001), pp. 82, 84, 86-7; Linehan, ‘Legation’ (2001), pp. 236-56; Fleisch,‘Rom’ (2008), pp. 135-89; Vones, ‘Papsttum’ (2009), pp. 157-71; Vones, ‘Einflussnahme’ (2011),pp. 389—401.
  • [19] Konig, ‘Ausstrahlung’ (2010), pp. 14-15.
  • [20] Muller, Bettelmonche (2002), pp. 158-76; lacking a focus on Christian-Muslim relations:Bulst-Thiele, ‘Templer’ (1964), pp. 289-308; Luttrell, ‘Hospitallers’ (1998), pp. 595-622; Hiestand,‘Reflections’ (2001), pp. 3-20.
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