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Military Confrontation and Forced Migration

Military confrontation helped to diffuse rather crude and negative images of the other.255 On the Iberian Peninsula, it seems to have contributed to shaping an image of military prowess that is repeatedly ascribed to ‘Franks’ and ‘Galicians’ in Arabic-Islamic historiography.256 It was later extended to the crusaders257 and even propagated by Saladin to incite religious zeal, dedication, and fighting spirit among

his troops.258

In situations of conflict, procuring intelligence, i.e. political, strategic, and technical information on the enemy was of utmost importance, as is attested by several sources from the early medieval Iberian Peninsula259 and the crusader Middle East.260 Respect for the other’s fighting skills may have led to the use of Muslim fol. 90a, p. 97 (AR), p. 20 (ES); fol. 104v, p. 146 (AR), pp. 59—60 (ES); fol. 181v—184r, pp. 442—8 (AR), pp. 298—307 (ES); Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis II-2, ed. Makkl, pp. 334, 345, 350, 366, 376—9, 382—3, 395—7; al-Masudi, muruj, ed./trans. Pellat, § 917—19, pp. 148—50 (AR), pp. 345—6 (FR); cf. Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis V, ed. Chalmeta and Corriente, AH 327, p. 431; al-Bakri, al-masalik, ed. van Leeuwen and Ferre, § 569—70, pp. 341—2.

  • 252 Ibn al-Athir, al-kamil, ed. Tornberg, vol. 10, AH 505, pp. 243^ (Leiden), p. 489 (Beirut); Willelmus Tyrensis, Chronicon, ed. Huygens (CCCM 63A), vol. 2, lib. 18, cap. 9, p. 823.
  • 253 Ibn Khaldun, tarikh, ed. Zakkar and Shahada, vol. 6, p. 451; vol. 7, pp. 388, 470, 496—7; Ibn Khaldoun, Histoire des Berberes, trans. de Slane, vol. 2, p. 403; vol. 4, pp. 305—6, 440, 479—80.
  • 254 An example provided by al-Bakri, al-masalik, ed. van Leeuwen and Ferre, § 1527, pp. 910—11; cf. Aurell, Noces (1995), pp. 261—78.
  • 255 See Ibn Abd al-Hakam, futuh Misr, ed. Torrey, p. 206, trans. Jones, pp. 19—20, on Muslim invaders of the Iberian Peninsula pretending to be cannibals. On the relevance of such images for ensuing relations, see Senac, Carolingiens (2002), p. 23.
  • 256 Ibn Habib, al-tarikh, ed. Aguade, § 430, p. 148, ‘hunaka al- adad wa-l-udda wa-l-jalad wa-l- shidda wa-l-bas wa-l-najda’; Ibn Abd al-Hakam, futuh Misr, ed. Torrey, p. 216: ‘wa-hum aqasi aduw al-Andalus’; al-Mas udi, muruj, ed./trans. Pellat, § 910, p. 145 (AR): ‘fa-l-Ifranja ashadd haula5 al-ajnas basan wa-amnauhum janban wa-aktharuhum iddatan wa-awsauhum mulkan wa-aktharuhum mudunan wa-ahsanuhum nizaman wa-inqiyadan li-mulukihim wa-aktharuhum taatan, illa anna l-Jalaliqa ashadd min al-Ifranja basan wa-azam minhum nikayatan wa-l-rajul min al-Jalaliqa yuqawim iddatan min al-Ifranja’, p. 343 (FR); al-Bakri, al-masalik, ed. van Leeuwen and Ferre, § 568, p. 341, on the Franks: ‘illa anna l-Jalaliqa ashadd minhum basan wa-hum ashadd ala l-Andalus min jamf al-umam’; § 1530, p. 913, on the Galicians: ‘wa-lahum bas wa-shidda la yaruna al-firar inda l-liqa5 (fi l-harb) wa-yaruna al-mawt dunahu’; Abu l-Fida , al-mukhtasar, ed. Zaynuhum Azab et al., vol. 1, p. 120: ‘al-Jalaliqa, wa-hum ashadd min al-Faranj . . .’.
  • 257 Usama b. Munqidh, al-i'tibar, ed./trans. Hitti, p. 132 (AR), p. 161 (EN).
  • 258 Abu Shama, al-rawdatayn, ed./trans. Barbier de Meynard (RHC hist. or. 4), pp. 429—30.
  • 259 Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis V, ed. Chalmeta and Corriente, AH 307, p. 156; AH 308, p. 159: ‘mustazhiran ala ilm khabar al-taghiya . . . ’; AH 325, p. 402: Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis VII, ed. al-Hajji, AH 361, p. 92: ‘li-tatabbuc akhbar al-Majus al-Urdumaniyyin—ahlakahum Allah— al-mutawaqqain bi-l-nahiya, fa-tawassala ila amir al-muminin wa-anba5ahu bi-ma qadiya fi wajhihima . . .’; p. 93: al-jawasls alladhina ursilu li-imtihan akhbarihim adu ilayha bada bulughihim Shant Yaqub min qasiyat balad al-aduw . . .’.
  • 260 On the crusaders’ weapons, tactics, as well as the use of spies, see Ibn al-Athir, al-kamil, ed. Tornberg, vol. 10, AH 504, p. 336 (Leiden), pp. 479—80 (Beirut); Ibn Shaddad, al-nawadir, ed.

archers in the Angevin armies of southern Italy,261 and explain the employment of Latin-Christian mercenaries in the late medieval Maghreb.262 Long-lasting military interaction also involved cooperation and exchange between both sides. On the Iberian Peninsula as well as in the Latin East it engendered social relations between the members of different warrior elites sharing similar values.263

Leading to the enslavement of many, military confrontation also catered to the needs of a commercial sphere represented by merchants eager for profit and economies hungry for human labour in various functions.264 Muslim males and females deported to Christian territory constituted an integral element of medieval Latin-Christian societies bordering directly on the Arabic-Islamic world.265 Historiographical sources mention Muslim captives and slaves who were able to return to Muslim society, where they ‘reported what had happened to them’.266 Juridical al-Shayyal, pp. 211, 213—14, trans. Wilson, pp. 210—11, 214. Cf. Zouache, Armies (2008), p. 134, and ch. V.II.1.

  • 261 Taylor, Muslims (2005), pp. 86, 102—10.
  • 262 Ibn Khaldun, tarikh, ed. Zakkar and Shahada, vol. 1, pp. 338—9; cf. Alemany, Milicias (1904), pp. 133—69; Barton, ‘Traitors’ (2002), pp. 23—62.
  • 263 On the Iberian Peninsula, the figure of ‘el Cid’ stands for this shared culture of chivalry. Cf. Ibn Idhari, al-bayan, ed. 'Abbas, vol. 4, pp. 31—40, 147—51; cf. Hitchcock, ‘al-Sid’ (1997), pp. 533~4; Fletcher, Quest (1990). In the Latin East, this shared culture also existed, cf. Usama b. Munqidh, al-i'tibar, ed. Hitti, pp. 132, 134—5, 140—1; Caesarius of Heisterbach, Dialogus, ed. Strange, cap. IV,15, p. 187. It is also reflected in positive depictions of Saladin in Christian sources, cf. Mohring, ‘Islam’ (1993), pp. 131—55; Mohring, ‘Saladin’ (2005), pp. 160—75; Tolan, ‘Mirror’ (2008), pp. 79-100.
  • 264 See the motives ascribed to slave traders from Verdun: Liudprandus, Antapodosis, ed. Becker (MGH SS rer. Germ. in us. schol. 41), lib. VI, cap. 6, pp. 155-6; cf. Constable, Trade (1996), pp. 96-7, 205; Senac, ‘Maghreb’ (2004), p. 34. Verlinden, Esclavage, 2 vols (1955/1977), remains the most comprehensive study on medieval slavery.
  • 265 For an overview, see Heers, Esclaves (1981), pp. 24-39, 135-64, 199-204, 214-24; Konings- veld, ‘Slaves’ (1995), pp. 5-23. On the situation in the Carolingian realm: McCormick, ‘Light’ (2002), pp. 17-54; in Christian Spain: Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis II-1, ed. Makki, trans. Makki and Corriente, fol. 184r, p. 445 (AR), p. 307 (ES); Delgado, Esclaus (2003); Echevarria Arsuaga, ‘Esclavos’ (2007), pp. 465-88; in France: Ademarus Cabannensis, Chronicon, ed. Bourgain et al. (CCCM 129), beta et gamma, cap. III,52, p. 171; Davin, ‘Esclaves’ (1843), pp. 27-37, 100-15; Bernardi, ‘Esclaves’ (2000), pp. 79, 81, 83^, 89; Clement, ‘Esclaves’ (2006), pp. 48-53; in Norman Sicily: Bresc, ‘Esclaves’ (1996), pp. 97-114; in Italy: Liber pontificalis, ed. Duchesne, vol. 2, cap. CV (Leo IIII, sed. 847-55), § 525 (§ LV), p. 119; cf. Herbers, Leo IV(1996), p. 117; Eickhoff, Seekrieg (1966), p. 187; Jehel, ‘Jews’ (1996), pp. 123-5; in the Crusader principalities: Vauchez, ‘Note’ (1996), pp. 91-6.
  • 266 Badr al-Din al-'Ayni (d. 855/1453), Vqdal-juman, ed./trans. Barbier de Meynard (RHC hist. or. 2,1), AH 627, p. 196, reports that ‘the Franks’ sent the captives taken during the Aragonese conquest of Mallorca in 627/1229 to the [Syrian] coast, where the Muslims redeemed them. They set forth to Damascus and reported what had happened to them’ (fa-qaddamu bihim ila l-sahil fa-staqal- lahum al-muslimin wa-qaddamu ila Dimashq wa-akhbaru bi-ma jara alayhim). Other cases involve the former Byzantine captive Harun b. Yahya who provided Ibn Rustah, al-aclaq al-nafisa, ed. de Goeje, pp. 119-21, 128-32, with information on Rome, cf. Izzedin, ‘Harun b. Yahya’ (1971), p. 232; Lewis and Hopkins, ‘Ifrandj’ (1971), p. 1044. Doubts formulated by Mohring, ‘Konstantinopel’ (1989), p. 71 n. 66, are not convincing, considering that Ibn Rustah provides the earliest Arabic- Islamic description of the medieval as opposed to the late antique papacy. The Aghlabid eunuch 'Ali, taken captive by Bertha of Tuscany, allegedly transmitted a letter to the Abbasid caliph in 293/905-06, cf. al-Rashid b. al-Zubayr, al-dhakha4r, ed. Hamidullah, pp. 9-17 (Introduction), pp. 48-54 (AR), trans. al Hijjawi al-Qaddumi, pp. 11-13 (Introduction), § 69, pp. 91-8 (EN). Doubts formulated by Christys, ‘Queen’ (2010), pp. 149-70, are not convincing, considering that Bertha’s letter is also mentioned in Ibn al-Nadim, al-fihrist, ed. Flugel, p. 20; Levi della Vida, ‘Corrispondenza’ (1954), pp. 21-38; Konig, ‘Caught’ (2012), pp. 58-9. 'Ali b. Mujahid, son of the lord of the tafa-principality

documents deal with the ransom of Muslim prisoners as well as with fugitive slaves, but fail to provide details about their captivity and the news they brought home.267

Latin-Christian captives and slaves in Muslim territory probably played a more important role as transmitters. Even if they were redeemed thanks to increasingly institutionalized activities in the high and late Middle Ages,268 they interacted with a Muslim environment. We can trace their way onto the slave market269 and find evidence for their employment in different functions27° or their integration into existing family structures.271 The occasional source proves that such forced immigrants furnished information about their place of origin.272

In the course of Latin-Christian expansionism, several Muslim communities came under Latin-Christian rule, notably in Sicily, on the Iberian Peninsula, and in the crusader principalities who, in this situation, maintained links to Muslim societies.273 Muslim refugees from regions conquered by Latin Christians are also attested,274 including the occasional reference to how they perceived their former home and its new Christian rulers.275 of Denia, was abducted by the Pisans in 405/1014, but returned home after seventeen years of captivity, cf. Ibn al-Khanb, a'malal-a'lam, ed. Levi-Proven^al, pp. 219—22; trans. Hoenerbach, Geschichte (1970), pp. 404—8; cf. Konig, ‘Caught’ (2012), pp. 65—6.

  • 267 Lagardere, Histoire (1995), fatwa no. 199, p. 54, on a Muslim captive who left his son as a guarantee when seeking the necessary ransom back home. Other examples, e.g. fugitive Muslim slaves from the late medieval Spanish Levant or Venice, in Heers, Esclaves (1981), pp. 233^0.
  • 268 Christian orders specialized in the ransom of captives were founded from the twelfth century onwards, cf. Brodman, Captives (1986); Brodman, ‘Community’ (2006), pp. 241—2; Friedman, Encounter (2002); Richard, ‘Prisonniers’ (2003), pp. 63—73; Buresi, ‘Captifs’ (2007), pp. 113—30; Valerian, ‘Rachat’ (2006), pp. 343—58.
  • 269 See the standard sale contract in Ibn al-Attar (d. 399/1009), al-watha4q, ed. Chalmeta and Corriente, pp. 33—6.
  • 27° Ibn Khaldun, tarikh, ed. Zakkar and Shahada, vol. 6, pp. 578—9; Ibn Khaldoun, Histoire des Berberes, trans. de Slane, vol. 3. pp. 117—18; Lev, ‘Prisoners’ (2001), p. 17; Friedman, Encounter (2002), pp. 113-16.
  • 271 Lagardere, Histoire (1995), fatwa no. 141, from tenth-century Cordoba, p. 406; fatwa no. 36, pp. 24-5, from eleventh-century Kairouan; Goitein, ‘Slaves’ (1962), pp. 7, 9, on eleventh-century Cairo; Ruggles, ‘Mothers’ (2004), pp. 69-76, and Fernandez Felix, ‘Children’ (2001), pp. 61-72, on early medieval al-Andalus. On rearing slave elites in the Islamic Middle East, see Lev, ‘Army’ (1987),

pp. 338-9.

  • 272 al-Umari, Condizioni, ed./trans. Amari, p. 1 (AR), based much of what he knew about the Latin-Christian world on the report of a Genoese client in the service of the Mamluk amir Bahadur al-Muizzi. According to Ibn Khaldun, tarikh, ed. Zakkar and Shahada, vol. 1, pp. 68-9; Ibn Khaldun, Muqaddimah, trans. Rosenthal, vol. 1, pp. 116-17, Europeans sold inhabitants of the Canaries along the Moroccan coast who then learned Arabic and provided information about conditions on their island.
  • 273 Catlos, Muslims (2014); Powell (ed.), Muslims (1990); Lagardere, Histoire (1995), fatwa no. 121, p. 38; fatwa no. 284, p. 70; fatwa no. 290, p. 71; fatwa no. 68, pp. 128-9; cf. Abou el Fadl, ‘Law’ (1994), pp. 141-87; Lopes de Barros, Tempos (2007), pp. 158-80; Ferrer i Mallol, ‘Mudejars’ (1992), p. 185 n. 54.
  • 274 For the crusader context, see Talmon-Heller and Kedar, ‘Survivors’ (2005), pp. 166-8. On refugees from the Muslim ‘colony’ of Lucera, see al-Himyari, al-rawd al-mitar, ed. Abbas, lemma ‘Lujara’, p. 514; cf. Heers, Esclaves (1981), pp. 29-30; Taylor, Muslims (2005), pp. 173-202; Abulafia, ‘Muslims’ (2007), pp. 271-87. On the impact of refugees from Spain in North Africa, see Ibn Khaldun, tarikh, ed. Zakkar and Shahada, vol. 1, pp. 528-9.
  • 275 al-Wansharisi, asna al-matajir, ed. Mu nis, p. 149: ‘sarrahu bi-dhamm dar al-islam wa-sha nihi, wa-shatm alladhi kana al-sabab lahum fi hadhihi al-hijra wa-sabbihi, wa-bi-madh dar al-kufr wa-ahl- ihi, wa-l-nadam ala mufaraqatihi . . .’; cf. Lagardere, Histoire (1995), fatwa no. 182, p. 48.

Arabic-Islamic Views of the Latin West

 
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