Theories in Reaction to Latin-Christian Expansionism

Al-Mas'udl’s story of secession took on important variations in later historiography. Sa id al-Andalusi (d. 462/1070) reproduced the same narrative but replaced the ethnonym ‘Franks’ (al-Ifranj) with the ethnonym ‘Latins’ (al-Latiniyyun). Inserted at the end of his overview on Roman history, it serves as a sort of epilogue to the latter.[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] As soon as the Arabic-Islamic sphere faced the rising momentum of the so-called Reconquista, the Norman conquest of Sicily and the crusades, the story became part of a larger narrative that served to explain the phenomenon of Latin-Christian expansionism. Ibn al-Athir (d. 630/1233) who also proffers data on Carolingian-Umayyad relations in al-Andalus known from Ibn Hayyan,i6i reproduced al-Mas'udl’s story of secession at the end of his chapter on Roman history where it serves as an introduction to the following passage on the rise of ‘Frankish’ power:

After this, the power of the Franks did not stop growing. Their realm grew and extended as is manifest in their conquest of parts of al-Andalus, as we will still mention, in their capture of the island of Sicily as well as the lands on the Syrian coast and Jerusalem, as we will still mention. They eventually even took possession of Constantinople in the year 601 [1204], as we will mention if God wills.i62

Ibn al-Athir applies the ethnonym ‘Franks’ to all peoples involved in the Recon- quista, the Norman conquest of Sicily, and the crusades.[6] [7] [8] [9] [10] [11] [12] [13] [14] This is also valid for contemporary and later Middle Eastern scholars such as Yaqut (d. 626/1229), al-Nuwayri (d. 733/1333), al-'Umari (d. 749/1349), and, to a certain extent, Abu l-Fida’ (d. 732/1331).164 As Paul Chevedden has already highlighted in his analysis of Arabic-Islamic historiography on the crusades, the ethnonym ‘Franks’ does not describe a single people anymore, but serves as a generic term for what we may call ‘the expanding peoples of Latin Christendom’.^ Not only Arabic-Islamic observers such as Usama b. Munqidh (d. 584/1188),i66 but also Latin sources confirm that Middle Eastern Muslims regarded the crusaders, even all Western Europeans as ‘Franks’. According to Raymond of Aguilers (d. after 1099), the crusaders ‘were known as Franks to their enemies’.^ According to Otto of Freising (d. 1158), ‘the Orientals tend to call all western peoples in this way, because of the ancient dignity of this people, as I believe, and because of its virtues’.^8 Considering the many works of contemporary crusader historiography that give prominence to the ethnonym ‘Franks’, it seems as if this denomination was propagated by the crusaders themselves, in spite of the diversity of peoples involved.^9

As opposed to their Middle Eastern colleagues, Muslim scholars writing in al-Andalus regarded and continued to regard ‘the Franks’ as a people or a conglomeration of peoples living in the region adjacent to the Iberian Peninsula. With the exception of the above-mentioned Catalans, they refrain from defining the Christian peoples of the Iberian Peninsula as ‘Franks’.m In the pre-crusading era, this applies to Ibn Hayyan (d. 469/1076)171 and al-Bakri

(d. 487/1094).172 In the period of Latin-Christian expansionism, it is still valid for Ibn al-Khatl b (d. 776/1375).i73 To distinguish between Catalonia and the adjacent Frankish realm, the latter occasionally employs the term ‘France’ (Faransa; al-bilad al-faransiyya), once in connection with a Muslim raid against Barcelona and its environs around the year 1000,m a second time to describe French involvement in the Castilian civil war of the late fourteenth century.175 Thus, Andalusian scholars retained a restricted definition of the term ‘Franks’.

Maghrebian historiographers and geographers writing after the end of the eleventh century found a compromise. In their works, the term ‘Franks’ only acquires a generic dimension, if it denotes regions and peoples outside the Iberian Peninsula, excluding the Catalans. Al-Marrakushi (d. after 621/1224), who uses the term to define the Crown of AragonTh6 but also the Christian enemy encountered by the Almohads in the Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa in 609/1212,177 does not seem to conform. Since the Christian forces were mainly made up of men from realm (balad al-Faranja), including Marseille (Massanit) and Barcelona; fol. 257, AH 324, p. 379: Franks cooperate with the master of Barcelona against the Muslims; fol. 289, AH 326, p. 462: Frankish saddle (sarjifranji); fol. 308, AH 328, pp. 404—5: peace treaty with Sunyer, the son of Guifre, ‘the Frank’ (al-ifranji); fol. 319, AH 329, p. 474: peace treaty with ‘Frankish kings’ (muluk al-Faranja), among them Sunyer of Barcelona, as well as ‘those allied to the Franks’ (mu cahidial-Faranja), including the ruler of Castile; fol. 325, AH 330, pp. 481—2: arrival of the Turks (al-Turk) or Petchenegs (al-Bajanak) in al-Andalus after having traversed the Frankish realm (balad al-Ifranj[a]) west of their region of origin; Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis VII, ed. al-Hajji, AH 360, p. 23: polemic verses about the hands of the Franks (ida Ifranja) in connection with an embassy from Barcelona; AH 363, p. 169: arrival of the envoy of Otto, king of the Franks (rasul Hutu, malik al-Ifranj).

  • 172 al-Bakri, al-masalik, ed. van Leeuwen and Ferre, § 1531—32, pp. 913—14. Since al-Bakri’s chapter on the Franks is fragmentary, it is not clear if he regarded the count of Barcelona (cf. § 1527, pp. 910—11) as ‘Frankish’. He acknowledges the distinct character of the Basques (al-Bashkansh, al-Bashkans, al-Bashakisa, al-Washkansh), mentioned in § 530, p. 325, § 570, p. 342, § 1495, p. 894, § 1531, p. 914, § 1533, p. 915, and clearly identifies the Galicians (al-Jalaliqa) and their country Galicia (al-Jilliqiyya) as an independent polity divided into four regions, i.e. Braga (Braqara), Asturias (Ashturish), a region populated by ‘the Portuguese’ (al-Burtuqalish), finally Castile (Qashtila). See § 1528-29, p. 912.
  • 173 Ibn al-Khanb, a'mal al-a'lam, ed. Levi-Proven^al, pp. 11-12: raid against Narbonne and the Frankish realm (Ifranja) under Hisham b. Abd al-Rahman (ruled 172-80/788-96); p. 23, on the Frankish ruler who produced a richly adorned image of Jesus; pp. 114-15, on the cooperation of Muhammad b. Hisham b. Abd al-Jabbar Mahdi (ruled 399/1009) and his supporter, the governor of Toledo Wadih, with ‘the Franks’, i.e. warriors led by the count of Barcelona, Ramon Borrell III, against the caliphal contender Sulayman b. Hakam; p. 196, and Ibn al-Khanb, al-ihata, ed. ‘Inan, vol. 3, p. 285 with n. 4, on the ruler of Zaragoza, Mundhir b. Yahya al-Tujibi (ruled 420-30/1029-39), credited with having conducted the affairs of the ‘chief of the Franks’ (wa-sasa li-awwal wilayatihi 'azim al-Firanja), probably the ruler of Navarre; p. 286, on the cooperation of Sulayman b. Hud al-Judhami, described as ‘attached to the Franks’ (muthbit li-l-Ifranj), with Christian groups known to have attacked the Marches of al-Andalus in 437/1045-46.
  • 174 Ibn al-Khanb, acmal al-a4am, ed. Levi-Proven^al, p. 74, on a raid led by Muhammad Abu Amir al-Hajib al-Mansur against Barcelona, defined as part of ‘the Frankish realm adjacent to France and Rome’ (al-Firanja al-muttasila bi-Faransa wa-Ruma).
  • 175 Ibn al-Khanb, al-ihata, ed. ‘Inan, vol. 2, p. 44, on a ‘Frankish host from the continent’ (al-jamc al-ifranji al-ati min al-ard al-kabira), also defined, p. 47, as ‘French lands’ (al-bilad al-faransiyya) that interfered on the Iberian Peninsula in Sha ban 768/April 1367, at the time of the Battle of Najera between Anglo-Gascon and Franco-Castilian forces. This host is also mentioned on pp. 45-7. See pp. 85-6, on the participation of ‘the people of France’ (ahlIfransiyya) in the Castilian civil war. On Ibn al-Khanb’s involvement in these events, see Marquer, ‘Figura’ (2011), § 1-47.
  • 176 al-Marrakushi, al-mujib, ed. Dozy, p. 50. 177 Ibid., p. 236.

Castile, Navarre, and Aragon, al-Marrakushi appears to be among the few western Muslim historiographers who applied the term ‘Franks’ to Christian peoples of the Iberian Peninsula.178 However, other passages show that he was clearly able to distinguish between the rulers of Castile, Leon, and Aragon and that he either employed the term ‘Christians’ (al-nasara) or the ethnonym ‘al-Rum’ as a generic term for the Christian enemy.179 In connection with the aforementioned battle, the term ‘Franks’ may therefore designate the group of French knights who seconded the Iberian Christian forces in the battle.m This is corroborated by the fact that, in another context, al-Marrakushl only employs the term ‘Franks’ for those coming from outside the Iberian Peninsula. This is the case when he describes the support received by the king of Portugal from a crusader fleet made up of fighters from Cologne and Flanders en route to the Holy Land via Portugal in 585/1189:

Then in the year 585/1189, Batru b. al-Rlq [actually Sancho I], may God curse him, advanced upon the city Silves (Shalab) on the peninsula of al-Andalus. Then he surrounded it with his troops. From the sea, the Franks supported him with forces and ships, for he had approached them and asked them to help him in exchange for his leaving the countryside to them for plundering whereas the city would be reserved for him.181

In al-Himyari’s (13th-14th cent.) geographic encyclopaedia, terms related to the ethnonym ‘Franks’ are used in a similar way. Al-Himyari clearly distinguishes between the sphere of al-Andalus and the Frankish sphere, situating the latter farther east.182 Occasionally, the term ‘Franks’ applies to Catalonia.183 Sometimes, it is not clear, where a certain toponym is situated.184 Outside the northwestern [15] [16] [17] [18] [19] [20]

Mediterranean, al-H imyari applies the term ‘Frankish’ to the ancient city of Carthage185 and the crusader fortress Karak.186

Ibn 'Idhari (d. after 712/1312-13) also tends to apply the term ‘Franks’ to groups attached to the county of Barcelona and the emerging Crown of Aragon or to ‘Franks’ from beyond the Pyrenees.187 However, in connection with events related to North Africa, Sicily, and the Apennine Peninsula, he extends the term to other groups as well. These include Christians encountered by the Berbers when they settled North Africa,i88 Ottonian forces that defeated and killed the Sicilian amir Abu l-Qasim ‘All b. Hasan in 372/982 in the ‘Battle of Cotrone’,189 as well as Norman troops that attacked al-Mahdiyya in 517/1123.19°

The work of Ibn Khaldun (d. 808/1406), the Maghrebian scholar who later settled in Mamluk Egypt, gives witness to his use of both the generic ‘Middle Eastern’ as well as the restricted ‘Andalusian’ definition of the term ‘Franks’. He provides an explanation for the Frankish rise to power that does not reproduce the story of secession featuring in the works of al-Mas'udi, Sa'id al-Andalusi, and Ibn al-Athir, but draws a line of continuity between the post-Roman Franks and later Latin- Christian expansionism. He states explicitly that Franks and Goths both lived

  • 185 Ibid., lemma ‘Qartajina ifriqiyya’ [Carthage], p. 462, defined as ‘Frankish territory’ (ardIfranja) in the period before the appearance of Christianity and in earlier times of the Rum, data taken from al-Mas'udi.
  • 186 In ibid., lemma ‘hisn Karak’, p. 203, the ‘lands of the Franks’ (biladal-Ifranj) clearly designate crusader territory.
  • 187 Ibn Idhari, al-bayan, ed. Colin and Levi-Proven^al, vol. 1, p. 20, on a raid to the Frankish realm (Ifranja) under the governor of Ifriqiya, Abd al-Rahman b. Habib, around 135/752; vol. 2, p. 1, on the geographical position of the Frankish sphere vis-a-vis al-Andalus; vol. 2, p. 2, on an ancient people reminiscent of the Vandals or Visigoths called ‘al-Bashtarlaqat’ who set out from Rome, ruled the Frankish realm, and then settled on the Iberian Peninsula; vol. 2, p. 4, on the earliest Muslim incursions into the Frankish realm; vol. 2, p. 8, on Roderic’s realm in al-Andalus and the adjacent Frankish sphere; vol. 2, p. 12, on the earliest raids in 92/711 against a Frankish realm near Galicia Jilliqiyya), circumscribed by the city ‘Lawtun’, defined as ‘capital of the Franks’ (qa'idat al-Ifranj), the city of Barcelona (Barshaluna), the mountains of Pamplona (jibal Banbluna), and the mountains of Carcassonne (jibal Qarqusha); vol. 2, p. 16, on the raids of Musa b. Nusayr against ‘the lands of the Franks’ (biladal-Ifranj) around Zaragoza and near the ‘lands of the Basques’ (biladal-Bashkansh) vol. 2, p. 21, on Musa’s description of these ‘Franks’ in front of the caliph in Damascus; vol. 2, pp. 29—30, on the death of the Andalusian governor Uqba b. al-Hajjaj al-Saluli during a raid in the Frankish realm (ard Ifranja); vol. 2, p. 64, on a raid against Frankish Narbonne (Arbuna) in 177/793; vol. 2, p. 69, on the relations of 'Abd Allah b. 'Abd al-Rahman with the Franks around 181/797; vol. 2, pp. 72—3, on Louis the Pious (Rudhriq sahib Ifranja) and his attack against Tortosa in 192/808; vol. 2, p. 96, on Norman ships passing the ‘wall of the Frankish realm’ (halt Ifranja) in 245/859; vol. 2, p. 97, on a Norman attack against the Frankish realm (Ifranja) during which they allegedly settled an unidentifiable city now named after them; vol. 2, p. 108, on Charles the Bald (Qarulush) producing an image of Jesus; vol. 3, p. 4, on a raid against the ‘lands of the Franks’ (bilad al-Ifranj) situated around Barcelona, in 393/1003; vol. 3, pp. 93—5, 98, on the ‘Frankish’, alias Catalan involvement in the civil war between Muhammad al-Mahdi and his contender Sulayman b. Hakam in around 1009; vol. 3, pp. 160, 163—4, on Franks around Valencia during the early taff-period; vol. 3, pp. 176—7, on the dealings of the talfa-ruler al-Mundhir b. Yahya of the Banu Tujib with the surrounding Franks.
  • 188 Ibid., vol. 1, p. 20: ‘inna l-Barbar hina dakhalu al-Maghrib, wajadu al-Ifranj qad sabaquhum ilayhi . . .’.
  • 189 Ibid., vol. 1, p. 238. For Latin accounts of the battle, see Eickhoff, Theophanu (1997), pp. 57—79; Banaszkiewicz, ‘Ritter’ (2006), pp. 145—65.
  • 19° Ibn ‘Idhari, al-bayan, ed. Colin and Levi-Proven^al, vol. 1, pp. 309—10. Cf. Matthew, Kingdom (2001), p. 58; Metcalfe, Muslims (2009), pp. 160—80.

within the orbit of the Roman Empire and created independent kingdoms as soon as the latter disintegrated.[21] This knowledge is also imparted in a chapter that figures under the heading:

News of the Franks concerning what they ruled of the Syrian coasts and plains, how they conquered it, the beginnings and the development of their affairs regarding this issue.19[22]

This chapter enumerates the conquests of Sicily, North Africa, and the Syrian Levant and serves as an introduction to a detailed description of the crusaders’ activities in the Middle EastTh[23] the short-lived Norman conquests of North African territories, 194 and, finally, the conquest of Constantinople in 601/1204.195 It is characteristic of his western origin that Ibn Khaldun, as opposed to Ibn al-Athir, and apart from one exception,^ does not include the Christian peoples of the Iberian Peninsula in his narrative of the Frankish rise to power. Having been involved in the political affairs of the Iberian Peninsula and the Maghreb, he obviously saw the need to differentiate between the Frankish sphere and the Christian peoples of the Iberian Peninsula. Consequently, the latter are treated in another chapter under the heading:

News on the kings of the family of Alfonso among the Galicians, the rulers of al-Andalus after the Goths and during the era of the Muslims and news about their neighbours the Franks, the Basques and Portugal with an overview on certain parts of their history. 197

All this shows that medieval Arabic-Islamic sources use the term ‘Franks’ and its derivates in different ways. The term can apply to (a) the early medieval Franks and their realm as well as to (b) the inhabitants of ‘Frankish’ extensions in Catalonia, Italy, or in the so-called ‘Latin East’. Finally, and in reaction to early medieval Frankish and later Latin-Christian expansionism, it can (c) also serve as a generic term for peoples of Western Europe in the Roman and post-Roman period, either excluding or including the Christians of the Iberian Peninsula. How it was defined depended on the particular subject of writing, the historical context, and the respective scholar’s regional perspective. Middle Eastern scholars of the crusading period, and later, displayed a tendency to define all Western European peoples, including those from the Iberian Peninsula, as ‘Franks’. The Latin-Christian expansionist drive into the central and eastern Mediterranean during the high and late Middle Ages had created or fortified the notion of a dominant Frankish sphere situated west of Byzantium. Focused on the history of the Iberian Peninsula, Andalusian scholars tended to apply the term only to the Frankish realm and its Catalan/Aragonese extension, but rarely used it for the other Christian realms of the Iberian Peninsula. North African scholars took up a kind of medial position between ‘east’ and ‘west’. In line with their Andalusian colleagues, they refrained from applying the term ‘Franks’ to the Christian peoples of the Iberian Peninsula with the exception of the Catalans/Aragonese. But when they mentioned outsiders impinging on Andalusian affairs or considered events in North Africa and the Middle East, they used the term for various Western European peoples.

  • [1] al-Mas'udi, muruj, ed./trans. Pellat, § 912, p. 145 (AR), p. 344 (FR): ‘wa-kana awa’il biladal-Ifranja qabla zuhur al-islam fi l-bahr jazirat Rudus wa-hiya allati dhakarna wa-innaha muqabilali-l-Iskandariyya . . . thumma jazirat Iqritish wa-qad kanat li-l-Ifranja aydan . . . wa-kanat Ifriqiyawa-jazirat Siqilliya li-l-Ifranja aydan . . .’.
  • [2] Ibid., § 1107, p. 246 (AR), p. 419 (FR). The editor argues that al-Mas'udi misread the term‘Africans’ (Afariqa) for ‘Franks’ (Ifranja). See ibid., n. 1 (AR), n. 4 (FR).
  • [3] Sa'id al-Andalusi, tabaqat al-umam, ed. Bu 'Alwan, pp. 98—9. See Chapter 4.2.2.
  • [4] Ibn al-Athir, al-kamil, ed. Tornberg, vol. 6, AH 164, p. 43 (Leiden), p. 64 (Beirut), on Sulaymanb. Yaqzan and his invitation of Charlemagne (Qarluh, malik al-Ifranj) to the Iberian Peninsula; vol. 6,AH 191, p. 138 (Leiden), p. 202 (Beirut), on Louis the Pious (Ludhriq) and his unsuccessful attemptat conquering Tortosa.
  • [5] 162 Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 242—3 (Leiden), pp. 338—9 (Beirut): ‘wa-lam yazal amr al-Ifranj ba'da hadhayaqwa wa-yazdad wa-yattasi' mulkahum ka-l-istila’ 'ala ba'd bilad al-Andalus 'ala ma nadhkuruhuwa-ka-akhdhihim jazirat Siqilliya wa-bilad sahil al-Sham wa-l-bayt al-muqaddas 'ala ma nadhkuruhuwa-fi akhir al-amr malaku al-Qustantiniyya sanat ihda wa-sitta mi’a 'ala ma nadhkuruhu in sha’ Allah.’
  • [6] Ibid., vol. 10, AH 491, p. 185 (Leiden), p. 272 (Beirut).
  • [7] 164 See Chapter 6.5.2. 165 Chevedden, ‘Interpretation’ (2006), pp. 96—8.
  • [8] 166 Usama b. Munqidh, al-itibar, ed. Hitti, cap. 8, p. 132.
  • [9] 167 Raimundus de Aguilers, Historia Francorum, ed. Hugh and Hill, § 168b, p. 52: ‘inter hostes
  • [10] autem Francigene dicebantur’; cf. Haas, ‘Kreuzzugschroniken’ (2008), p. 88.
  • [11] Otto Frisingensis, Chronica, ed. Hofmeister (MGH SS rer. Germ. in us. schol. 45), lib. VII,cap. 4, p. 313: ‘. . . proceres Francorum — sic enim omnes occidentales populos, ob antiquam gentisillius dignitatem, ut puto, et virtutem, orientales appellare solent . . .’.
  • [12] E.g. Gesta Francorum et aliorum Hiersolimitanorum, ed. Hill; Guibertus de Novigento, Historiaquae inscribitur Dei gesta per Francos, ed. Huygens. On the diversity of peoples involved, cf. Haas,‘Kreuzzugschroniken’ (2008), pp. 86—94.
  • [13] 17° Cf. Clement, ‘Nommer’ (2009), p. 90.
  • [14] Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis II-l, ed. Makki, trans. Makki and Corriente, fol. 89a, AH 180 (?),p. 94 (AR), p. 17 (ES): ‘Abd Allah recruits fighters against the reigning amir Hisham b. Abdal-Rahman, and enters the Frankish realm (dakhala Ifranja) fol. 90a, AH 181, p. 97 (AR), p. 20 (ES):‘Abd Allah seeks refuge with Charlemagne; fol. 95b, AH 185, p. 116 (AR), p. 36 (ES): Carolingianconquest of Barcelona; fol. 100a, AH 191—92, p. 130 (AR), p. 47 (ES): exchange of embassies withCarolingians, hostilities with Louis the Pious; fol. 101b—102a, AH 197, p. 136 (AR), pp. 51—2 (ES):hostilities with the Franks of Barcelona; fol. 186b, AH 229—30, p. 455 (AR), p. 316 (ES): Vikingattack on the Franks; Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis II-2, ed. Makki; fol. 189a—189b, AH 232, pp. 2—3:alliance of William of Septimania with Cordoba against Louis the Pious; fol. 221b, p. 130: Charles theBald produces an image of Jesus; fol. 262b, AH 245, p. 308: Vikings attack an unnamed place in theFrankish realm; fol. 263b, AH 247, p. 311: Vikings attack the Frankish realm (jihat al-Faranja) IbnHayyan, al-muqtabis III, ed. al-Arabi, AH 284, p. 284: Barcelona capital of the Frankish tyrant(qa'idat taghiyat al-Faranja); Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis V, ed. Chalmeta and Corriente, fol. 179, AH317, p. 268: decorated Frankish sword (sayf sarim ifranji al-jins)'; fol. 245, AH 323, p. 363: BarcelonaFrankish capital (qa4dat al-Faranja); fol. 248^9, AH 323, pp. 366—8: Muslim raid against Frankish
  • [15] Clement, ‘Nommer’ (2009), p. 91. 179 al-Marrakushi, al-mujib, ed. Dozy, pp. 235—7.
  • [16] 18° Smith, Innocent III (2004), pp. 111—12.
  • [17] 181 al-Marrakushl, al-mujib, ed. Dozy, pp. 203^: ‘wa-lamma kana fi sanat 585 qasada Batru
  • [18] b. al-Riq la anahu Allah madinat Shalab min jazirat al-Andalus fa-nazala alayha bi-asakirihiwa-aanahu min al-bahr al-Ifranj bi-l-batas wa-l-shawani wa-kana wa-qad wajjaha ilayhim yastadihimila an yuinuhu ala an yajal lahum sabi al-balad wa-lahu huwa al-madina khassatan . . .’; cf. Clement,‘Nommer’ (2009), p. 91; Meyer, ‘Papel’ (2000), pp. 48—53, 55—6.
  • [19] al-Himyari, al-rawd al-mi'tar, ed. Abbas, lemma ‘al-Andalus’, p. 34, clearly distinguishesbetween al-Andalus and the Frankish sphere. Cf. lemma ‘Ifranja’, p. 50, on the Frankish realm east ofthe Basques; lemma ‘Sasin’ [Saxony?], p. 336, on an island/peninsula (jazira) bordering on theFrankish and Slavic spheres; lemma ‘Maghunsha’, p. 556, on Mainz and the destruction of its bridgeduring a Slavic attack.
  • [20] Ibid., lemma ‘Barshaluna’, p. 87, on the ‘king of the Franks’ (malikIfranja) who resides in Barcelona, ‘their capital’ (dar mulkihim). In other cases, it is not clear, if al-Himyari refers to Catalan orFrankish territory. According to lemma ‘Bijana’, p. 80, Pechina served as a base for pirates raiding the‘Frankish coasts’ (sawahil al-Ifranja); lemma ‘Bilabiyya’, p. 96, may apply to the Basque town Bilbao,situated ‘on the Syrian (sic!) coast of the city of Bordeaux on the side of al-Andalus coming from theFrankish lands’ (fi l-Udwa al-shamiyya min madinat Burdhil bi-nahiyat al-Andalus min jihat biladal-Ijranja); lemma ‘Ashkalturiyya’, p. 60, ‘a territory in the direction of Italy/Antioch [MS: Antakiya’,corrected to Italiya’ by the editor Abbas] in the Frankish land’ (ard fi nahiya min Antakiya/Italiyabi-ard Ifranja). 184 Ibid., lemma ‘Banabayish’, p. 104, situated in the lands of the Franks. The town allegedlylodged fifty blacksmiths who produced arms such as swords and spears. Its inhabitants claimed to beFrankish and were similar to the Franks in the way the people looked, dressed, and behaved; lemma‘Shanis’ [Saintes?], p. 337, a city in the lands of the Franks near the city ‘Baladina’, which was onceattacked by the Normans (al-Majus), had many fish in its rivers including a whale, parts of which weregood against disease.
  • [21] Ibn Khaldun, tarikh, ed. Zakkar and Shahada, vol. 2, p. 281: ‘fashala amruhum bi-Ruma’;vol. 4, p. 149; vol. 5, p. 209: fa-lamma inqaradat dawlat ulaika istaqalla ha ula al-Ifranj bi-mulkihimwa-iftaraqu mithla dawlat al-Qut bi-l-Andalus’.
  • [22] 192 Ibid., vol. 5, pp. 209—10: ‘akhbar al-Ifranj fima malakuhu min sawahil al-Sham wa-thughurihiwa-kayfa taghallabu alayhi wa-bidayat amrihim fi dhalika wa-masayiruhu’. Cf. ibid., vol. 6, pp. 424—5,with another short overview on the rise of the Franks.
  • [23] Ibid., vol. 5, pp. 210—23. 4 5 6 7 Ibid., vol. 5, pp. 230—9.
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