Annalistic Records from al-Andalus (10th-11th Centuries)

Andalusian scholars of the tenth and eleventh centuries such as Ahmad b. Muhammad al-RazI (d. 344/955) and his son ’Is a, both compiled in the work of Ibn Hayyan (d. 469/1076), furnished the building blocks for a more comprehensive Arabic-Islamic history of the Christian North. Since their works have only reached us in fragments, it is difficult to form a final judgement on what they knew exactly. However, since the extant volumes of Ibn Hayyan’s history of al-Andalus (i.e. II-1, II-2, III, V, VII) partially cover the years 180-364/796-974, they allow tracing important political developments and thus stand at the beginning of a systematic occupation with the Christian North.

With regard to northeastern Spain, Ibn Hayyan’s earliest extant volume deals with the Carolingian incursions and the Frankish conquest of Barcelona in the early ninth century.^1 Recording an alliance of William of Septimania with ’Abd al-Rahman II against the Carolingians, it takes note of the emerging Catalan sphere’s increasing independence vis-a-vis its Carolingian overlords.232 In line with this, Barcelona of the very late ninth century figures as ‘the capital of the tyrant of the Franks’ (qa4dat taghiyat al-Faranja). Its ruler Wilfred I the Hairy ( Anqadid b. Mundhir), the ‘comes of this region’ (qumis dhalika alyuq’ ), is succeeded by his son Sunyer (Shunyar).233 Ibn Hayyan’s later volumes mention the county’s occasional military confrontations with Umayyad Cordoba and its proxies until the year 3 2 8/940234 and describe the frequent diplomatic dealings of Borrell II (Buril b. [1]

Shunyir) with Cordoba in the years 360-64/970-74. In connection with these embassies, Ibn Hayyan addresses certain aspects of the county’s internal organization.235

Ibn H ayyan also recorded the rise of a polity populated by Basques and centred on the city of Pamplona. Although he focuses on its military confrontations with al-Andalus, he reports on various forms of interaction that helped to transmit data about the realm’s topography and internal affairs. Until the middle of the ninth century, Umayyad forces clashed repeatedly with Basque forces assisted by other Christian groups such as the Banu Qasi^36 and led, in 200/815, by ‘the master of Pamplona’ (sahib Banbluna), Velasco el Gascon (Balashk al-Jalashqi).237 An Umayyad victory against the ‘commander of Pamplona/the Basques’ (amir Banbluna/al-Bashkuns), Garcia Iniguez (GharsiyyaIbn Wannaquh), his son Galindo (Ghaland), and his brother Fortun (Furtun) opened the way for a truce, negotiated by a certain Velasco Garces (Balashk b. Gharsiyya) and sixty of his men in 22 8/842.238 The truce failed to forestall another raid in 23 2/846.239 The ‘master of Pamplona’ (sahib Banbluna), Inigo Iniguez Arista (Ibn Wannaquh or Yannaquh b. Yannaquh), then received a security guarantee (aman) in 235/850.240 When he died in battle in 237/852, he left the ‘emirate of Pamplona’ (imarat Banbluna) to his son Garcia Iniguez (Gharsiyya)^1 who was soon taken captive for ransom by marauding Norsemen (al-Majus).242

A hot phase of Umayyad-Basque confrontation, the reign of Sancho I Garces (Shanjuh b. Gharsiya b. Wanaqa al-Bashkunsi) receives considerable attention. In 280/893, the realm became the target of a ‘jihad against the polytheists’.243 Sancho, ‘count of Pamplona’ (qumis Banbluna) and one of ‘the two rulers of Christendom’ (malikay al-nasraniyya), attacked Tudela in 3 0 3/9 1 5-16244 and ruler of Barcelona (sahib Barshaluna), seconded by the Galician king; AH 325, p. 406: the rebellious Muhammad b. Hashim is forced to sever relations with the polytheists (al-mushrikin) including Barcelona (baladBarshaluna); AH 328, pp. 454—5: peace treaty concluded between Abd al-Rahman III and Sunyer, son of Wilfred I (Shunyir b. Ghifrid), ‘master of Barcelona and its districts’ (sahib Barshaluna wa-a'maliha); renewal of the treaty in AH 329, p. 469, and AH 330, p. 474.

  • 235 Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis VII, ed. al-Hajji, AH 360, pp. 20—3: Enneco Bonfill, son of Sindered (Bun Fili b. Sindrit), sent by Borrell II (Buril b. Shunyir) to al-Hakam II, is called the count’s ‘comes’ (qumis) and confidant (thiqa) as well as the administrator responsible for the latter’s fortresses and the provision of his cities (muqaddamuhu cala husunihi wa-muhimmat mudunihi), while a certain ‘Ghitar’ is called ‘the noble comes and the amir Borrell’s administrator of the city of Barcelona’ (al-qumis al-nabih muqaddam al-amir Buril cala madinatBarshaluna)'; see also ibid., p. 32; AH 363, pp. 168—9, on Borrell’s envoy ‘Ghitar’, ‘master of the city of Barcelona and important figure in his entourage’ (sahib madinat Barshaluna kabir ashabihi). Another embassy in AH 363, p. 182.
  • 236 Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis II-l, ed. Makki, trans. Corriente, fol. 96r—96v, AH 186, pp. 118—19 (AR), pp. 38-9 (ES); fol. 103r, AH 200, p. 139 (AR), p. 54 (ES); fol. 184v-185r, AH 228, p. 448 (AR), p. 310 (ES).
  • 237 Ibid., fol. 103r, AH 200, p. 139 (AR), p. 54 (ES).
  • 238 Ibid., fol. 184v-185r, AH 227-28, pp. 447-9 (AR), pp. 309-10 (ES).
  • 239 Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis II-2, ed. Makki, fol. 189 alif, AH 232, p. 1.
  • 240 Ibid.,' fol. 190 alif, AH 235, p. 5. 241 Ibid., fol. 193 alif, AH 237, p. 16.
  • 242 Ibid., fol. 263 alif, AH 245-46, pp. 309-10; fol. 264 alif, AH 247, p. 313.
  • 243 Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis III, ed. al-Arabi, AH 280, p. 35: ‘jihad al-mushrikin’. Sancho is wrongly defined as Garcia’s son instead of his nephew.
  • 244 Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis V, ed. Chalmeta and Corriente, fol. 83, AH 303, p. 124.

surged forth into al-Andalus with a joint force of Galicians and other Christians in 305/917 and 3 0 8/9 20.245 The years 311_12/923_24 witnessed an Umayyad invasion into ‘the heart of their territory and the place of their security’,246 ‘which had never been entered before’.247 This resulted in the destruction of Pamplona’s main church, ‘where they swear their oaths and where their rites take place’,248 another church in Pena de Qays patronized by Sancho,249 as well as the latter’s ‘place of tranquility and rest’ in San Esteban.250 A cause for joy (masarra) and a sign of grace (ni’ma), this ‘ruler of the Basques’ (malik al-Bashkuns) died in 314/926, when he fell off his horse after returning from a military campaign.251

Around ten years later, in 322/934, Toda Aznarez (Tufa ibnatAshinar) pleaded for a peace treaty on the grounds of her kinship with 'Abd al-Rahman III. Both rulers concluded the treaty, fiercely opposed by count Fortun Garces (Furtun b. Gharsiyya),252 in Calahorra, in the presence of Todas noblemen, counts, and bish- ops.253 In the same year, a ‘master of Pamplona’ (sahib Banbluna) called Sancho (Shanjuh b. Gharsiyya) aided his Galician brother-in-law Alfonso (Adhfunsh b. Urdun) against another Sancho (Shanjuh b. Urdun).254 When Toda supported a rebellion against Cordoba, Pamplona was attacked in 325/937.'[2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] [9] [10] [11] [12] [13] [14] [15] Although fended off by Todas scribe (katib a—ilja Tuta), a raid in the following year resulted in the captivity and execution of several Basque nobles (ashraf al-Bashkuns).256 A joint force of Christians was necessary to avert a second Muslim attack.257 Consequently, Garcia Sanchez I (Gharsiyya b. Shanjah b. Gharsiyya, sahib Banbluna) formed part of a peace treaty concluded between 'Abd al-Rahman III and Ramiro of Galicia in 329/941.258 Forty years later, his son Sancho II Garces Abarca (Shanjah b. Gharsiyya) sent envoys to the court of al-Hakam in 360/971 and 362/973,259 but joined a Christian alliance against al-Andalus in 364/975,260 when Ibn H ayyan’s account breaks off.

The leading Christian power of the peninsula, the kingdom of Asturias and Leon, figures under the name ‘Galicia’ (Jilliqiyya). In Ibn Hayyan’s history, its rulers and their counsellors are the only northern Christians credited with direct speech.261 Lacking the first volume of Ibn H ayyan’s work, Galicia first appears in connection with the reign of Alfonso II (Adfunsh, malik al-Jalaliqa), dated to the years 175_227/791_842.262 An unnamed capital, the cathedral of Santiago de Compostela with its bishop as well as nobles263 are mentioned as part of a realm that suffered various Muslim raids^4 but also offered refuge to Muslim renegades. After seeking the king’s help, a certain Mahmud b. 'Abd al-Jabbar was killed at the king’s order in 225/840, when it had become apparent that he sought reconciliation with Cordoba.265 Alfonso’s II successor, Ramiro I (Rudhmir),266 lacked the strength to impede Norman groups from wreaking havoc on the Galician coast in 229/843-44.267 The realm’s achievements were acknowledged nevertheless: during a raid against Leon in 231/845-46, the amir Muhammad ordered to measure the city’s walls, which his troops had failed to destroy because of their impressive size.268 Ramiro I died in 235/849-50 after eight years of rule, succeeded by his son Ordono I (Urdun b. Rudhmir).269 His reign witnessed a Muslim raid in 23 9/8 5 3,27° a counterattack in 246/860,271 and Ordono’s defence of the region Alava de los Castillos (Alaba wa-l-Qilaj in 249/8 63.272 Alfonso III, falsely defined as another son of Ramiro (Adhfunsh b. Rudhmir), managed to capture the military commander Hashim in 261/874273 and offered protection (dhimma) to the rebel 'Abd al-Rahman b. Marwan al-Jilllql. Settling in ‘the city of Portugal’ (madinat Burtuqal) in 261/874,274 Ibn Marwan proved uncooperative when Alfonso attacked Muslim territory in 263/876,275 but fended off a counterattack in 264/877.276 In 266/879, he came to Alfonso’s aid,277 but then returned to Islamic territory,278 whereas his companion Sa'dun fell prey to a Christian attack in 2 8 0/8 9 3.279 The description of a jihad launched against Galicia in 288/901 features Alfonso III’s correct genealogy as the son of Ordono (Adhfunsh b. Urdhun), mentions the king’s Christian entourage,28° lists Leon (Liyun) and Zamora (Samara) among the [16] [17] [18] [19] [20] [21] [22] [23] [24]

Galicians’ most important cities,-281 and defines Zamora as ‘the recently reconstructed city of the unbelievers and nucleus of their power’.-82

Ibn H ayyan knew very well that Alfonso’s reign ended in turmoil. When his son Garcia (Gharsiyya b. Adhjunsh) rebelled against his father, Alfonso and his wife were imprisoned in a monastery in Leon. Thanks to the support of Christian counts and nobles (al-qawamis wa-wujuh al-nasraniyya) who felt unjustly treated by the king, Garcia was able to take power in a region stretching from Pamplona in the east to Asturias (Ashturyash) in the west. In the meanwhile, his brother Ordono had withdrawn to the farthest west of Galicia (Ghalisya, taraf Jilliqiyya) touching upon Coimbra (Qulumriya). Because of his good style of governance (ahsan al-sira fi raHyatihi), the Christians of Leon and Astorga offered him the throne on Garcia’s death. He left western Galicia to trusted counts and became one of the fiercest opponents of Muslim Spain^3 As ruler of western Galicia, Ordono (Urdun b. Adfunsh) had already successfully raided Evora (Yabura) in 301/913.-84 In 303/915, after Garcia’s death,-85 ‘when he had stabilized his reign and enjoyed the support of the counts’ (inda istisaq mulkihi wa-ijtima al-qawamis calayhi), Ordono set out for Merida from his residence at Leon (madinat Liyun hadratuhu), levying troops from the borders of the realm of Pamplona to the western coasts of Galicia (min haddBanbluna ila sayf al-bahr min aqsa Jilliqiyya).266 During the raid, he used the services of ‘rebellious Muslim guides’ (nuzza' fasaqat al-muslimin) whom he executed when they failed to obey orders.-87 Another joint raid with Sancho, the count of Pamplona (Shanjuh b. Gharsiyya al-Bashkunsi, qumis Banbluna), followed in 3 0 5/9 1 7.-88 Ordono’s campaign in 307/919_20-89 provoked retaliation one year later.-90 When Ordono and Sancho of Pamplona mobilized the surrounding unbelievers,29i 'Abd al-Rahman III pushed forward and attacked San Esteban (Shant Ashtibin), ‘nucleus of the infidels and capital of their march’.-9- The ‘two Christian rulers’ (malikay al-nasraniyya) then drew together to repel the Muslim attack.-93

Ordono’s reign was followed by a period of instability. The short-lived Fruela (al-taghiya Fluwira) died in 313/925. His successor Alfonso IV (Adhjunsh) retired to a monastery in 319/931 and was replaced by his brother Ramiro (Rudhmir).-94 During a raid in 321/933, 'Abd al-Rahman III was informed that counts from the families Gomez and Ansurez (qawamis min Bani Ghumis wa-Anshur) had formed an alliance with the royal monk Alfonso and defeated the ruling king Ramiro II,

  • -81 Ibid., AH 288, p. 156: ‘kubra mudunihim’.
  • -8- Ibid., AH 288, p. 157: ‘madinat al-kafara al-hadlthat al-Itan, maqarr shawkatihim’, p. 160: ‘madinat Samura, min adanI mudun Jilliqiyya’. Alfonso’s initiative of reconstructing and repopulating

the city is mentioned in AH 280, p. 131.

  • -83 Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis V, ed. Chalmeta and Corriente, AH 303, pp. 123—4.
  • -84 Ibid.,' AH 301, pp. 93, 95. -85 Ibid., AH 301, p. 98.
  • -86 Ibid., AH 303, p. 120. -87 Ibid., AH 303, pp. 120, 122.
  • -88 Ibid., AH 305, p. 143. -89 Ibid., AH 307, p. 155.
  • -90 Ibid., AH 307, p. 156; AH 308, p. 159.
  • -9i Ibid., AH 308, p. 160: ‘istamadda bi-man jawarahuma min ahl tilka al-atrafwa-man walahuma min ahl al-kafara’.
  • -9- Ibid., AH 308, p. 163: ‘baydat al-kafara wa-qa' idat thaghrihim’.
  • -93 Ibid., AH 308, pp. 165, 167. -94 Ibid., AH 313, p. 202.

thus ushering in a period of strife.295 Reproducing 'Isa b. Ahmad al-Razi, Ibn Hayyan explains how Ramiro managed to win the upper hand in one of the most elaborate passages on the internal affairs of Galicia so far.296 Another Muslim raid in 322/934 saw ‘the polytheist enemies of God’ (a’da’ Allah al-mushrikin), ‘Ramiro, their king and all his counts’ (Rudhmir b. Urdun, malikuhum, wa-jami al-qawamis), united again.297 The rest of Ramiro’s reign was marked by the latter’s ambivalent attitude towards Umayyad al-Andalus. In 324/936, Ramiro broke a peace treaty concluded with 'Abd al-Rahman III in 3 23/9 3 5.298 When informed that strife between Ramiro and the count Manyura had weakened Ramiro and his son’s (Fardhiland b. Rudhmir) defensive capacities,299 'Abd al-Rahman obliged a certain Muhammad b. Hashim to break off relations with the Christian North, including Galicia, in 3 26/9 37.[25] [26] [27] [28] [29] [30] [31] [32] [33] [34] [35] [36] [37] [38] He sent a raiding squadron against the western Galicians (Jalaliqa al-gharb) in the same year,30i against Ramiro’s Muslim ally Umayya b. Ishaq in the following year.302 When a Galician raid was checked in 327/939, 'Abd al-Rahman III ordered the public execution of one hundred Galician nobles (mi’at 4lj min wujuhihim) in Cordoba.3°3 Taken captive during another Muslim raid, the commander Muhammad b. Hashim remained in Ramiro’s power for more than two years.3°4 The ensuing Muslim attack against allied Christian forces brought about the death of several important Galicians, including Ramiro’s son.305 When 'Abd al-Rahman prepared another raid against Galicia in 328/939_40,3°6 Ramiro pleaded for peace. The repeated exchange of envoys and several smaller Muslim raids destined to undermine Galician morale, resulted in another peace treaty concluded in 3 29/941.307 In addition to Muhammad b. Hashim’s liberation in 330/942, 'Abd al-Rahman received presents and regained hold of his personal copy of the Qur’an lost during one of the raids.308 In the same year, however, Ramiro took advantage of the incursion of Hungarian groups in the Upper March of al-Andalus, thus reopening hostilities.309

In the reign of al-Hakam II, relations with Galicia improved for a while. In 360/971, the count ‘Ghund Shalb b. Masarrah’ from the city ‘LastIra’ in lower Galicia (adani Jilliqiyya) sent a messenger who informed the caliph that Norman groups had entered the Duero Valley.310 The Leonese princess Elvira, daughter of the late Ramiro II (Halwira b. al-malik al-halik Rudhmir) and regent during the minority of her nephew Ramiro III (hadinatal-malik al-mumallak badihi, Rudhmir b. Shanja b. Rudhmir), sent another embassy.[39] In the next year, al-Hakam II regularly sent ambassadors to Galicia with the aim of acquiring as much intelligence as possible in meetings with various counts.312 Another Norman attack on the northern coasts prompted him to send out spies to the region around Santiago de Compostela (Shant Yaqub).313 Messengers from Galicia’s regent Elvira were sent back to Galicia in disgrace when they failed to conform to the protocol of subservience demanded by the caliph during an audience in Cordoba in 363/973.314 A Christian alliance involving Galicians (al-Jalaliqa) attacked al-Andalus in 364/974.315 In consequence, their ruler Ramiro III (Rudhmir b. Shanja) was put under severe pressure^6 Thus ends Ibn Hayyan’s fragmentary annalistic account of Asturian and Leonese history.

Finally, Ibn H ayyan’s work allows tracing the rise of Castile. Entries in the earlier volumes regularly mention a region called Alava de los Castillos (Alaba wa-l-Qila‘). Subject to frequent raids in the first half of the ninth century,317 the region was defended by the Galician king in 249/86331® and lumped together with Pamplona as the target of a ‘jihad against the polytheists’ (jihadal-mushrikin) in 280/893.31® Modern scholarship occasionally explains the etymology of the toponym Castile, first recorded in Latin around 800, with reference to the Latin term ‘castellum’.32° If this is accepted, the Arabic term for ‘fortress’ (qala‘a, pl. qila‘), part of the toponym ‘Alaba wa-l-Qila’ and independently used in the toponym ‘Land of fortresses’ (balad al-qila‘),321 could be regarded as the early Arabic equivalent to the toponym Castile. However, Ibn Hayyan continues to use the toponyms ‘Alaba’, ‘al-Qila’, and ‘Alaba wa-l-Qila" up to year 3 63/974,322 when he already employs an Arabic transcription of the term ‘Castile’. The latter first appears in connection with the years 280/893 and 305/917. Here Ibn Hayyan mentions ‘the people of Castile’ (ahl Qastalla) as well as ‘the land Castile’ (balad Qashtilya) inhabited by the Christian ‘people of Castile’ (ahl Qashtilya).323 Certain passages suggest that the Arabic term for Alava de los Castillos (Alaba wa-l-Qila’) was occasionally coterminous with the Arabic term for Castile. A certain Fernan Gonzalez (Fardhiland b. Ghundishalb) is called ‘comes’ (qumis) of the ‘land of Castile’ (ard Qashtilya) in 312/924, ‘master of Alaba wa-l-Qila'’ (sahib Alaba wa-l-Qila‘) in 322/934, and ‘master of Castile’ (sahib Qashtilya) in 329-30/941-42.324 This suggests that both toponyms denote parts of the same political unit. However, Ibn Hayyan also lists the Christians of Alava de los Castillos (Alaba wa-l-Qilac) and the people of Castile (ahl Qashtiliya) separately when he mentions that they drew together troops to fend off a raid led by 'Abd al-Rahman III in 327/939.325

Fernan Gonzalez (Fardhiland b. Ghundishalb), reviled as ‘the dog’ (al-kalb)?76 is the first ruling figure mentioned in connection with an Arabic transcription of the term Castile. Ibn H ayyan regarded him as subject to the king of Galicia in 322/934327 and as ‘one of the leading counts of Galicia’ (min Uzamaal-qawamis bi-Jilliqiyya). He served as witness to his king when the latter concluded a peace treaty with 'Abd al-Rahman in 329/941,32® but mobilized his forces independently to support his brother-in-law, Garcia Sanchez (Gharsiyya b. Shanjuh) of Pamplona, against the Muslims in 330/942.329 Ibn Hayyan’s terminology suggests that Fernan Gonzalez’s son Garcia Fernandez (Gharsiyya b. Fardhalandb. GhundShalb) enlarged Castilian territory and acquired a larger degree of independence. Garcia Fernandez is still called ‘master of Castile and Alava’ (sahib Qashtila wa-Alaba/ Ilba) in 360/971 and 363/974,33° but ‘master ofCastile and its territories’ (sahib Qashtila wa-amaliha) in 364/975.331 Ibn Hayyan fails to explain why, in 363/974, a certain Nuno (Nuna b. Ghund Shalb) also features as ‘master of Castile’ (sahib Qashtila)?37- He twice reviles Garcia Fernandez as ‘the pig’ (al-khinzir), probably because he formed part of Christian alliances fighting the Muslims.333 Garcia’s station as a quasi-independent ruler is expressed in the fact that he sent delegations to Cordoba in 360/971 and 363/974.334

In summary, a reader of Ibn Hayyan is able to trace how a highly entangled Christian North underwent a continuous process of territorial reconfiguration between the eighth and the tenth century. The Christian North’s combined energies were often directed against the Muslim south which kept this region in check by means of frequent raids and regular diplomatic contact. All this enabled the Muslim south to acquire a fair amount of data including various details on internal affairs. Notwithstanding, Ibn Hayyan was still far from writing a systematic history of the Christian North. His records on the Christian neighbours are annalistic and always subordinate to the greater framework of the Muslim history of al-Andalus. [40] [41] [42] [43] [44] [45] [46] [47] [48] [49] [50]

This is different in the geo-/ethnographical work of al-Bakrl (d. 487/1094), which contains independent chapters on ‘the city of Barcelona’ (madinat Barshaluna) and ‘the land of Galicia’ (baladJilliqiyya)^ as well as miscellaneous entries on the Basques (al-Bashkansh, al-Bashkans, al-Bashakisa, al-Washkansh).[51] [52] [53] [54] [55] [56] [57] [58] [59] The work holds some interesting material, e.g. on the administrative division of Galicia into four parts,337 a business transaction with a Galician ruler called ‘Fardiland’Th8 as well as a marriage scandal involving the count of Barcelona. In this context, al-Bakrl also comments on the living conditions of the city’s Jewish population.339 Overall, however, he does not treat the Christian North systematically and often reproduces older information, including passages taken from al-Mas'udl340 and the travel account of Ibrahim b. Ya'qub al-Isralll.341 Al-Bakri’s work does not provide the systematic overview on the Christian North that should have been possible to a scholar writing at the end of the eleventh century. However, seen in combination with Ibn H ayyan’s compilation, it shows that Andalusian scholars of the eleventh century could acquire extensive information on the Christian North.

  • [1] 8 al-IstakhrI, al-masalik, ed. de Goeje, p. 41. 229 Ibid., p. 43. 230 Ibn Hawqal, surat al-ard, ed. Kramers, p. 111. 231 On the conquest and its aftermath, see Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis II-1, ed. Makkl, trans. Corri-ente, fol. 95v, AH 185, pp. 116—17 (AR), pp. 36—7 (ES); fol. 100r—100v, AH 191 and AH 193,pp. 130-2 (AR), pp. 47-9 (ES); fol. 101v-102r, AH 197, pp. 135-7 (AR), pp. 51-2 (ES). 232 Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis II-2, ed. Makkl, AH 232-34, pp. 2-3. 233 Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis III, ed. al- Arabl, AH 284, p. 149. 234 Ibid., AH 284, p. 149: death of Wilfred I after an attack of the Banu QasI in 897-98; IbnHayyan, al-muqtabis V, ed. Chalmeta and Corriente, AH 323, pp. 366-8: Muslim maritime attackagainst the Frankish realm including Barcelona; AH 324, p. 379: Frankish counterattack led by the
  • [2] Ibid., fol. 94, AH 305, p. 143; fol. 104, pp. 107-10, AH 308, pp. 160, 164-7.
  • [3] Ibid., fol. 123, AH 312, p. 192: “ uqr darihim wa-makan amnihim’.
  • [4] Ibid., fol. 124, AH 312, p. 192: ‘lam tudkhal qabla dhalika’.
  • [5] Ibid., fol. 125, AH 312, p. 193: mawdi bay' atihim wa-makan mansakihim’.
  • [6] Ibid., fol. 125, AH 312, p. 194: ‘qad sayyadaha al-' ilj’.
  • [7] Ibid., fol. 126-128, AH 312, pp. 194-7, 194: ‘Shant Ashtiban, wa-kana mawdi' istirah al-' iljShanjuh wa-makan tamaninatihi’.
  • [8] Ibid., fol. 134, AH 314, p. 207. 252 Ibid., fol. 226-27, AH 322, p. 336.
  • [9] 253 Ibid., fol. 225-27, AH 322, pp. 335-7, 335: ‘wujuh rijaliha wa-qawamisiha wa-asaqifatiha’.
  • [10] Cf. Martinez Diez, Condado (2005), vol. 1, pp. 315-16.
  • [11] Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis V, ed. Chalmeta and Corriente, fol. 233, AH 322, p. 344, fails tomention the relationship between both. He may have confused Sancho with Garcia Sanchez I, whosemother Toda reigned on behalf of her son between 931 and 934.
  • [12] Ibid., fol. 271-72, AH 325, p. 400. 256 Ibid., fol. 284-86, AH 326, pp. 420-1.
  • [13] 257 Ibid., fol. 289, AH 327, p. 440. 258 Ibid., fol. 316, AH 329, p. 467.
  • [14] 259 Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis VII, ed. al-Hajji, AH 360, p. 64; AH 362, p. 138; annex, AH 360, p. 241.
  • [15] 260 Ibid.', AH 364, pp. 138, 218, 234.'
  • [16] Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabisII-1, ed. Makkl, trans. Corriente, fol. 183v, AH 225, pp. 443—4 (AR),pp. 305—6 (ES); Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabisII-2, ed. Makkl, fol. 283b, AH 266, pp. 396—7; Ibn Hayyan,al-muqtabis V, ed. Chalmeta and Corriente, fol. 80—81, AH 303, pp. 120—2.
  • [17] Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis II-1, ed. Makkl, trans. Corriente, fol. 184v, AH 227, p. 448 (AR),p. 309 (ES).
  • [18] Ibid., fol. 183r-184r, AH 225, pp. 442-5 (AR), pp. 304-6 (ES).
  • [19] Ibid., fol. 100r, AH 192, p. 131 (AR), pp. 47-8 (Es); fol. 125r, p. 220 (AR), p. 119 (ES); fol. 145r,p. 299 (AR), p. 187 (ES); fol. 146r, p. 302 (AR), p. 189 (ES); fol. 179v, AH 223, p. 428 (AR), p. 292.
  • [20] Ibid., fol. 181v, AH 225, pp. 436-7 (AR), p. 298 (ES); fol. 183r-184r, AH 225, pp. 442-6(AR), pp. 304-6 (ES).
  • [21] Ibid., fol. 184v, AH 227, p. 448 (AR), p. 309 (ES), falsely defines Ramiro as Alfonso’s soninstead of his cousin.
  • [22] Ibid., fol. 186v, AH 229, pp. 455-6 (AR), p. 317 (ES).
  • [23] Ibid., fol. 188v, AH 231, p. 462 (AR), p. 322 (ES).
  • [24] Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis II-2, ed. Makkl, AH 235, p. 6. 27° Ibid.,' fol. 254b, AH 239, p. 271. 271 Ibid., fol. 263a, AH 246, p. 310. 272 Ibid., fol. 265a, AH 249, p. 318. 273 Ibid., fol. 273b, AH 261, p. 344. 274 Ibid., fol. 274b, AH 261, p. 350. 275 Ibid., fol. 281a, AH 263, pp. 382-3. 276 Ibid., fol. 281b, AH 264, p. 385. 277 Ibid., fol. 283b, AH 266, pp. 395-6. 278 Ibid., fol. 283b-284a, AH 266, pp. 395-9. 279 Ibid., fol. 279b, p. 376; Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis III, ed. al-'Arabi, AH 280, p. 43. 28° Ibid., AH 288, p. 158: ‘wa-jamf man ijtama'a lahu min wujuh al-nasraniyya’, p. 160: ‘wa-manijtama'a ilayhi min al-nasara’.
  • [25] Ibid., AH 321, pp. 324-5. 296 Ibid., ah 322, pp. 344-5.
  • [26] 297 Ibid., AH 322, pp. 338-41, esp. 340. 298 Ibid., AH 323, p. 365; AH 324, p. 369.
  • [27] 299 Ibid., AH 325, p. 402. 300 Ibid., AH 326, p. 406.
  • [28] 301 Ibid., AH 326, p. 425. 302 Ibid., AH 327, p. 431.
  • [29] 303 Ibid., AH 327, pp. 431-2 . 304 Ibid., AH 327, pp. 435-6.
  • [30] 305 Ibid., fol. 299, AH 327, p. 440 . 306 Ibid., AH 328, p. 449.
  • [31] 307 Ibid., AH 328, pp. 450-1, 457; AH 329, pp. 465-8. 308 Ibid., AH 330, pp. 473-5.
  • [32] 309 Ibid., AH 330, pp. 483-4. On this incursion, see Schamiloglu, ‘Name’ (1984), pp. 215-16.
  • [33] 310 Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis VII, ed. al-HajjI, AH 360, p. 27: ‘dakhala Qurtuba Suls [?] rasul
  • [34] al-qumis Ghund Shalb b. Masarah bi-kitaba min madlnat Lastira min adani Jilliqiyya . . . bi-dhikr
  • [35] dukhul al-Majus - ahlakahum Allah - yawm al-sabt qablahu wadi Dwiruh . . .’. According to al-Hajji’s
  • [36] commentary, pp. 254-5, we are dealing with the person who poisoned Sancho I of Leon (d. 355/966)
  • [37] and who still lived to see the age of al-Mansur b. Abi Amir, i.e. the period after the death of al-Hakam
  • [38] II in 366/976. Al-HajjI identifies the city ‘Lastira’ with ‘Lamego’.
  • [39] Ibid., AH 360, p. 63. 312 Ibid., ah 361, p. 76. 313 Ibid., AH 361, p. 93. 314 Ibid., AH 363, pp. 146-7. 315 Ibid., AH 364, p. 218. 316 Ibid., AH 364, pp. 234-8. 317 Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis II-l, ed. Makkl, trans. Corriente, fol. 95v, AH 185, p. 117 (AR),p. 37 (ES): ‘balad Alaba wa-l-Qila ’; fol. 176v, AH 208, p. 418 (AR), p. 282 (ES): Alaba wa-l-Qilamin dar al-harb’; fol. 177r, AH 210, p. 420 (AR), p. 284 (ES): ‘dakhala Alaba min balad al- ' aduw’; fol.179v, AH 223, p. 184 (AR), p. 292 (ES): Alaba wa-l-Qila ’. 31® Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis II-2, ed. Makkl, fol. 265a, AH 249, p. 318. 31® Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis III, ed. al-Arab!, AH 280, p. 35. 32° Chalmeta, ‘Kashtala’ (1978), p. 712; Gallego Garcia, ‘Languages’ (2003), p. 112. 321 Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis II-l, ed. Makkl, trans. Corriente, fol. 180r, AH 224, p. 429 (AR),p. 292 (ES): ‘balad Alaba wa-l-Qila . . . ila balad al-Qila ’. 322 Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis V, ed. Chalmeta and Corriente, fol. 229, AH 322, p. 340: ‘ard al-Qilawa-Alaba’; fol. 231, AH 322, p. 342: ‘bilad Alaba wa-l-Qila ’; fol. 269, AH 325, p. 397: ‘qawamiskuffar Alaba’; fol. 276, AH 325, p. 406: ‘ila Alaba, ila l-Qila ’; AH 327, p. 440: ‘wa-Alaba wa-l-Qilawa-ahl Qashtilya’; Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis VII, ed. al-Hajj!, AH 363, pp. 188-9: ‘sahib Qashtilawa-Ilba’; annex, AH 360, pp. 241-2: ‘sahib Qashtila wa-Alaba’. 323 Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis III, ed. al-Arabi, AH 280, p. 79; Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis V, ed.Chalmeta and Corriente, fol. 88-89, AH 305, p. 135.
  • [40] Ibid., fol. 128, AH 312, p. 197; AH 322, p. 342; fol. 316, AH 329, p. 467; fol. 326, AH 330,p. 484.
  • [41] Ibid., fol. 298, AH 327, p. 440. 326 Ibid., fol. 231-32, AH 322, p. 343.
  • [42] 327 Ibid., fol. 231, AH 322, p. 343: the Galician king is defined as ‘his ruler’ (malikahu). On his
  • [43] role for Castile, see Martinez Dfez, Condado (2005), vol. 1, pp. 291-458.
  • [44] 32® Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis V, ed. Chalmeta and Corriente, fol. 316, AH 329, p. 467.
  • [45] Ibid.,’ fol. 326, AH 330, p. 484.
  • [46] 33° Ibn Hayyan, al-muqtabis VII, ed. al-Hajji, annex, AH 360, pp. 241-2; AH 363, pp. 188-9.
  • [47] Ibid.,’ AH 364, p. 234. 332 Ibid., AH 363, p. 183.
  • [48] 333 Ibid., AH 364, pp. 236-7.
  • [49] 334 Ibid., AH 360, p. 64; AH 363, pp. 188-9; annex, AH 360, pp. 241-2. Cf. Martinez Dfez,
  • [50] Condado (2005), vol. 2, pp. 463-9.
  • [51] al-Bakri, al-masalik, ed. van Leeuwen and Ferre, § 1527—30, pp. 910—13.
  • [52] Ibid., § 530, p. 325; § 570, p. 342; § 1495, p. 894; § 1531, p. 914; § 1533, p. 915.
  • [53] Ibid., § 1528—30, pp. 912—13. These four parts are represented by the toponyms Braga(Braqara), Asturias (Ashturish), Castile (Qashtila), and Portugal (al-Burtuqalish).
  • [54] Ibid., § 1469, p. 878; cf. Abdellatif et al. (eds), FranceMed, ‘Introduction’ (2012), pp. 24—6.
  • [55] al-Bakri, al-masalik, ed. van Leeuwen and Ferre, § 1527, pp. 910—11.
  • [56] Ibid., § 516, p. 319, on the Galician origins of the Visigothic king Roderic; § 568—70,pp. 341—2 on the rebellion of a certain Umayya b. Ishaq. Cf. al-Mas udi, muruj, ed./trans. Pellat,§ 398, p. 191 (AR), pp. 145—6 (FR), on Roderic; § 917—19, pp. 148—50 (AR), pp. 345—6 (FR), onUmayya b. Ishaq.
  • [57] al-Bakri, al-masalik, ed. van Leeuwen and Ferre, § 1530, p. 913.
  • [58] Yaqut, mujam, ed. Wustenfeld, vol. 1, lemma ‘al-Andulus’ [sic], p. 377; vol. 3, lemma‘Tarrakuna’, p. 532.
  • [59] Ibid., vol. 1, lemma ‘al-Andulus’ [sic], pp. 376—7; vol. 2, lemma ‘Jilliqiyya’, pp. 109—10: ‘baldamin bilad al-Rum al-mutakhima li-l-Andalus’.
 
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