Social desirability. When mode effects are observed on socially sensitive survey items, they are sometimes attributed to social desirability effects. The underlying assumption is that a lack of anonymity, and/or a lack of perceived confidentiality, particularly in interview settings, may cause respondents to report higher levels of socially desirable attributes, including higher subjective well-being. Audience effects, where a respondent gives their answers in the presence of one or more other individuals (aside from the interviewer), can also have a variety of impacts, depending on the nature of the relationship with the audience and the impression a respondent may be seeking to create.
Different views exist regarding the likelihood of socially desirable responding across different survey modes. In reviewing the evidence across all types of questions, Schwarz and Strack (2003) propose that socially desirable responding is more likely to influence results in face-to-face interviews, then telephone interviews, and it is least likely to occur in confidential self-administered questionnaires. However, other authors have reported an increase in socially desirable responding to socially sensitive questions in telephone interviews, as compared with face-to-face methods (Holbrook, Green and Krosnick, 2003; Jackle, Roberts and Lynn, 2006; Pudney, 2010). Some of the variability in findings may be due to within-mode variance, such as the various methods by which interviews can be conducted even if the overall modality is similar (e.g. with or without showcards; with or without some self-administered sections; computer-assisted versus pen-and-paper; randomised versus fixed presentation of the questions, etc.).
Evidence regarding mode-related social desirability and subjective well-being has to date been focused on evaluative measures and thus far contains quite mixed findings. Scherpenzeel and Eichenberger (2001) compared CATI and CAPI in a repeated-measures design (N = around 450) using questions drawn from the Swiss Household Panel Survey. No significant mode effects were found for life satisfaction - and the presence of the respondents’ partner in one-third of the CAPI interviews also failed to influence responses. This finding is supported by Jackle, Roberts and Lynn (2006), who conducted an experimental study in Hungary (N = 1 920) to examine the potential implications of shifting the European Social Survey (ESS) from the face-to-face procedure used currently to a telephone-based interview. Jackle et al. also found no significant mode effects on mean scores of life satisfaction, even though some of the other socially sensitive questions tested did exhibit mode effects (for example, significantly higher household incomes were reported in the telephone condition).
In contrast with the above findings, Pudney (2010) reported that the survey mode (CAPI, CASI and CATI) had a significant influence on the distribution of responses across several domains of satisfaction in an experimental sub-panel of the UK Understanding Society survey (N = over 1 500). Among female respondents, there was a significant effect of mode on the distribution of scores on overall life satisfaction, overall job satisfaction and satisfaction with leisure time, and among male respondents a significant (CASI versus CAPI) difference in overall life satisfaction. Both CASI and CAPI tended to be associated with lower overall mean satisfaction levels in comparison to the telephone interview technique. Across all satisfaction domains other than income, CATI telephone interviewing also increased the likelihood that respondents would indicate that they were completely or mostly satisfied.
Pudney (2010) also found some evidence to suggest that the survey mode influenced the statistical relationships between satisfaction domains, individual characteristics and life circumstances. The results varied between different satisfaction domains, but there were some significant findings, the most notable being that the survey mode had a sizeable impact on the strength of the relationship between health satisfaction and two self-reported health predictors.15 Although patchy, Pudney’s results are important, because they imply that “the relationship between wellbeing and personal circumstances can be affected in important ways by apparently minor features of survey design” (p. 19).
Consistent with Pudney (2010), Conti and Pudney (2011) also found strong evidence of a mode effect on job satisfaction in a British Household Panel Survey data set. In this study, the same set of respondents completed both self-administered questionnaires and face-to-face interviews, administered consecutively in one visit to the respondent’s home. Only 45% of respondents gave the same response in both the interview and the questionnaire, with a tendency for lower satisfaction reports in the questionnaire.
Although the influence of other survey context effects (such as adjacent questions, which differed between survey modes) cannot be ruled out, Conti and Pudney interpreted their results as being most consistent with self-presentation or social desirability effects influencing interview reporting. For example, the fact that having a partner present during the interview significantly depressed job satisfaction was regarded as being consistent with strategic reporting behaviour, related to credibility and bargaining power within the family - and specifically a “don’t appear too satisfied in front of your partner” effect. The presence of children during the interview meanwhile made women more likely to report higher job satisfaction - a “not in front of the children” effect.
Conti and Pudney also found evidence of mode effects on the determinants of reported job satisfaction. One striking result is that, while in self-report questionnaire responses wages were an important determinant of job satisfaction for both men and women, the face-to-face interview data confirmed the typical finding that other non-wage job aspects were more important to women’s job satisfaction. Women who worked longer hours were more likely to report lower job satisfaction in interview, but there was no significant association between hours worked and job satisfaction in the questionnaire report. The authors suggest that this implies female respondents were more likely to conform to social roles in the interview condition.
In a rare study looking at mode effects across a broader range of subjective well-being questions, the UK Office of National Statistics (2011b) recently tested the effect of survey mode on overall life satisfaction, a eudaimonia measure (overall, to what extent do you feel the things you do in your life are worthwhile?), happiness yesterday, and anxiety yesterday. In a national survey (N = 1 000), face-to-face interviews were contrasted with a laptop-based selfcompletion method. The only item that showed a statistically significant difference was anxiety yesterday (overall, how anxious did you feel yesterday?), where the mean average for the self-completion method was significantly higher than in the interviewer-led condition (mean = 3.7, compared to 3.2). Whilst it remains unclear what is driving this difference, social desirability effects are possible candidates. However, even in the self-completion condition, there was an interviewer present to administer the rest of the survey. It is thus possible that greater mode effects might be detected in the absence of an interviewer.
One other notable finding from the ONS work was that the self-completion condition had a much higher non-response rate than the face-to-face interviews (around 23%, compared to around 1.5%), and this was particularly marked among older participants. This implies that respondents might be less comfortable completing questions privately via a laptop. However, one difficulty in interpreting the finding is that only the subjective well-being questions were administered via a self-completion method: the remaining part of the longer interview was still conducted face-to-face. Thus, the subjective well-being questions were isolated as different from the others, which may have made respondents more nervous about completing them. This methodological feature also means that it is not possible to compare subjective well-being non-response rates with non-response rates for other items. The higher non-response rate for the laptop-administrated questions may reflect that the respondents (and especially the older respondents) did not wish to use the laptop in general, rather than that they have a particular aversion to completing subjective well-being questions via this method.
In summary, while several studies have suggested evidence of a significant social desirability mode effect on subjective well-being, others have failed to do so. Where effects do exist, the findings can be difficult to disentangle, and it is not always clear that the effects can really be attributed to socially desirable responding, rather than to other types of response biases.
Response biases and satisficing. There are a number of reasons to expect different survey modes to vary in their susceptibility to response biases and satisficing. The mode has implications for how respondents are contacted and motivated, and it also influences the level of burden associated with question and response formats. For example, the visual presentation of information in self-administered surveys (or interviews with showcards) can reduce the memory burden on respondents, which may in turn reduce satisficing. On the other hand, visual presentation of text-based information places higher cognitive burdens on those with literacy problems, which is an important factor in obtaining representative samples where literacy rates are not universally high. For example, Jackle et al. (2006) note that cross-cultural variations in literacy levels prohibit the sole use of self-administered questionnaires in the European Social Survey.
Some studies have suggested that telephone interviewing can lead to lower-quality data, relative to face-to-face interviews. For example, Jordan, Marcus and Reeder (1980) examined the impact of the survey mode on health attitudes among large US samples, and found that telephone interviewing induced greater response biases (acquiescence, evasiveness and extremeness) than face-to-face methods. Holbrook, Green and Krosnick (2003) meanwhile analysed satisficing, social desirability and respondent satisfaction in three carefully-selected large US data sets from 1976, 1982 and 2000. They replicated Jordan et al.’s findings of significantly greater response effects in telephone versus face-to-face interviews in lengthy surveys that examined issues such as political participation and attitudes.
In contrast, two more recent European studies failed to find evidence of greater satisficing among telephone-interview respondents when compared to face-to-face interviewees. Scherpenzeel and Eichenberger (2001) compared computer-assisted telephone and personal interview techniques (CATI and CAPI), using a selection of questions from the normal Swiss Household Panel Survey, on topics such as health, satisfaction, social networks, income, time budget and politics. They concluded that the “choice of CATI versus CAPI has no implications for the data quality, defined as validity and reliability” (p. 18). CATI was, however, cheaper to administer (SFR47 per interview, contrasted with SFR 86 in CAPI) and enabled research to be completed more quickly.
The study by Jackle, Roberts and Lynn (2006) described earlier also tested whether the use of showcards in face-to-face interviews affected data quality on socially sensitive items drawn from the European Social Survey. In general, they detected no differences in results obtained with and without showcards, implying that these questions had been successfully adapted for verbal-only presentation. Problems did arise, however, in adapting numerical questions about household income and hours watching television. The use of an open-ended format in the verbal channel but banded response categories in the visual channel resulted in large differences in means and response distributions, even though the topics addressed involved relatively more objective and behavioural measures.
Although self-administered pen-and-paper or web-based questionnaires may offer the greatest privacy for respondents (thus potentially reducing social desirability effects, Conti and Pudney, 2011), there is some evidence to suggest that they can lead to lower overall data quality, relative to interviewer-led methods. Kroh (2006) analysed evidence from the 2002 and 2003 waves of the German Socio-Economic Panel Study (N = 2 249) and found that the data quality for subjective well-being items presented in the auditory mode (CAPI and PAPI) was better overall than for pen-and-paper self-administered questionnaires. In a multi-trait, multi-method design, Kroh examined the amount of variance in three 11-point subjective well-being measures that could be attributed to method effects (i.e. measurement error) rather than the latent well-being factor. Across measures of life, health and income satisfaction, the method variance was consistently highest in the self-administered questionnaire mode. Reliability estimates for the health satisfaction measure were also significantly higher in CAPI, as compared to the self-administered questionnaire.16
Finally, there may be increased risk of day-of-week effects (see below) in self- administered pen-and-paper or web-based surveys if respondents choose particular times of the week to respond. For example, if respondents “save” this task for a weekend, that could have implications for affect measures in particular, which may be biased upwards due to an overall positive weekend effect on mood (Helliwell and Wang, 2011; Deaton 2011). This means that when using self-administered modes, it will be particularly important to record the exact date that the survey was completed to examine the risk of this effect in more detail.