• 1. Free blacks existed, but in very small numbers relative to the number categorized as slaves.
  • 2. Mindich argues that journalism historians have uncovered enough evidence to show that the early Penny Press was not as nonpartisan as standard histories have indicated. In fact, it appears that the early abolitionist press was more nonpartisan than the early Penny Press (2000: 20).
  • 3. The 1791 rebellion that ended slavery in Haiti did not go unnoticed in the United States. In 1800, a slave named Gabriel Prosser organized a large army in Virginia with the intent of taking Richmond. Abolitionist groups were forming all over the nation, and the debate over the slave/non-slave status of states newly admitted into the union waged on; see Davis 1975.
  • 4. The influence of advertisers would be different from that of political parties because ostensibly they would be a much wider variety.
  • 5. These dates were chosen because 1830 is typically the date cited for the beginning of the Penny Press and 1860 begins the run-up to the Civil War.
  • 6. “The typical paper in 1828 was four pages with the first and fourth pages filled almost exclusively with advertising. The mass circulation penny press, which Michael Schudson argues ‘invented’ the category ‘news,’ was introduced in the 1830s in competition with the established six-penny papers. According to Schudson, these papers relied even more on advertising” (Baker
  • 1992: 2113).
  • 7. Given the time frame of the search, 1830—1860, it is to be expected that the vast majority of articles would come from the Hartford Courant, the oldest newspaper in the database. Founded in 1764, the Courant is the nation’s oldest continuously publishing newspaper. http://www.,0,1855918.htmlstory.
  • 8. While this was the North and the location could account for the few direct mentions of race, many abolition societies were based in New England.
  • 9. This was initially accomplished primarily through laws that extended the term of servitude for African to a lifetime; see Fields 1990.
  • 10. This is not the same as neutrality. The papers simply were free to support whomever and whatever they wanted to. Saxton (1984: 226) makes the point that “A common misapprehension with respect to mass circulation dailies of the Jacksonian era is that they were politically nonpartisan. Certainly the editors themselves contributed to this illusion with their denials of party affiliation. What they meant was that they were not subsidized by parties or candidates.”
  • 11. James Pitts defines race consciousness as follows: “Racial consciousness is defined as normative behavior that develops in a society where racial stratification is present. By normative behavior, I mean behavior involving “should” or “ought” sentiments concerning racial structure. ”Pitts’s research identified three “behavioral attributes to those who are race conscious: “(1) those who are race conscious react to their race as a social object; and (2) ... feel a sense of obligation to their race... . It is behavior addressed to maintaining advantages or overcoming disadvantages which accrue to one’s group as the product of race inequality” (1974:6 67—68).
  • 12. For the history of “racialized paradigms” of humanity see Rodriguez 2000: 34—46.
  • 13. This term has been used in the media only to refer to blacks and Latinos, to represent young people traveling in a large group with the intent of committing crime or intimidating people.
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