Sexual Matricide

Most acute catathymic murders that involve conflicts with maternal conduct and maternal images result in a displacement of emotion from the mother to a victim substitute. However, in a much smaller number of cases the offender actually kills the mother rather than a substitute. Although there are no national statistics on the number of matricides, it is a relatively rare event. When it occurs, matricide is usually perpetrated by an adult male (Heide and Frei, 2009). In fact, most of the men are schizophrenic who are living alone with their mothers at the time of the act (Campion et al., 1985). The crime is fairly well known in literature and myth, but it is not seen that frequently in forensic practice (Meloy, 1996a).

Matricides are committed mostly by adults, but a few cases have involved adolescents. For example, Scherl and Mack (1966a) described the case of a 14-year-old who, disgusted by his mother’s overt sexual relationship with another man and her sexually promiscuous conduct, shot her while she was sleeping. He then went to a local priest to confess the crime. There have even been a few reported cases of matricide following mother-son incest. MacDonald (1986) briefly described the case of a 14-year-old who killed his mother following sexual relations with her. Brown (1963) discussed the case of a 19-year-old who killed his mother after an 8-year incestuous relationship. Here, the homicide occurred hours after the offender was unable to consummate sexual relations with a prostitute.

The following case, of an acute catathymic matricide following years of mother-son incest, was reported in detail by Schlesinger (1999). To the offender, the murder itself, which included vaginal and anal necrophilia, was sexually arousing.

Case 5.9: Adolescent Sexual Matricide Following Repeated Mother-Son Incest

A 16-year-old high school student (II) was involved in a sexual relationship with his mother that began when he was about 7. The mother was sexually promiscuous, possibly even a nymphomaniac. She made sexual comments to II’s friends, frequently brought boyfriends to the family home when her husband was absent, and even walked around town completely undressed (except for a fur coat), exposing herself to local merchants.

About 6 months prior to the homicide, as he approached 16 years, II began feeling uncomfortable about the frequent and ongoing sexual relations with his mother. After he told her he no longer wanted to have sex with her, she became angry and insistent. “She kept trying and she kept yelling. I told her, ‘If you don’t leave me alone, I am gonna tell someone.’” About 10 days before the murder, he had oral sex with his mother. “In the middle of oral sex I said ‘I don’t want to do this no more,’ and I pushed her away. She said ‘No. We’re gonna have to do this some time. What’s wrong with you, now?”’

On the day of the homicide, II woke up at his usual time and began to get ready for school. He observed his mother dressing in the bathroom, with the door open, as was her custom. She was wearing only underwear and a partially buttoned shirt. II described an overpowering urge, which was sexually arousing. He stated that he obtained an erection.

I took her and pulled her out of the bathroom. I pulled her out and shoved her upstairs. I was real aroused. She said, “What are you doing? I am your mother. What are you doing?” I felt like I was out of control. My body was responding to the anger. All the anger that was bursting out from me. I shoved her in her bedroom and put my hands around her neck, and I got really excited. I choked her, and I didn’t say a word. After she was dead, I tore the clothes off.

I had sex with her after she was dead. At the time, I thought maybe she was just unconscious.

I was aroused by her.

II engaged in vaginal and anal necrophilia.

I felt in control of her now. She was in control of me. I was like her play toy. I felt like I was getting back at her by doing this. I did it to her. I laid her on the bed.

He was unable to explain the acts of necrophilia, particularly anal penetration, except to describe a feeling of domination and control. Following the homicide, he threw a T-shirt over his mother’s face “because the eyes didn’t close. They were staring at me.”

His description of the homicide itself was typical of a dissociative state, so common in acute catathymic murders.

I knew what I was doing, but it was like a movie, watching myself almost in motion. It was like a movie and the camera was my eyes. I was aware of everything, but I was just not thinking. I really didn’t think I was killing someone. The whole thing seemed like a dream.

Immediately following the murder, II felt relief. He denied ever having had a prior thought or fantasy of killing his mother, although such ideas are common in similarly abused children (Richards and Goodwin, 1994).

The offender had above-average intelligence with no history of any overt psychological problems. He was introverted and had some social anxiety and lack of self-confidence but nothing that seemed to warrant referral to a mental health professional. His figure drawings are displayed in Chapter 2, Figure 2.3. They are not remarkable except perhaps for some slight sexualization of the human figures.

II’s central conflict clearly stemmed from the extremely rare mother-son (as opposed to the more common father-daughter) incest. At the time of the homicide, II had never had any other female contact “because somehow they’d know about me and my mom; or it might slip out when I was talking to them.” Following the homicide, and after release from 2 years in prison, II briefly dated a few times, but he ended the courtships quickly as he feared loss of control once some sexual behavior was initiated (by the girl). Following several years of treatment, II improved and seemed relatively stable at a 10-year follow-up. Perhaps II resolved his conflict when he killed his mother.