Kamikaze: the historical context

According to Axell and Kase (2002: 3), ‘For the younger generation, the kamikaze phenomenon is a curiosity from the past; to the older it is a reminder of a cruel epoch’. More than 70 years after the end of the Pacific War, however, the narrative surrounding it remains highly contested within Japan (Jeans, 2005; Sheftall, 2008) and, in all likelihood, misunderstood beyond the country’s borders. Moreover, to further complicate matters, the word ‘kamikaze’ is imbued with a certain historical romanticism. Translating as ‘divine wind’, it was the name given to a powerful typhoon that, in 1281, destroyed the invading fleet of the Mongolian Emperor Kublai Khan as it approached Japan, leading the Japanese to believe that, if once again facing attack, their country would be similarly saved by a divine wind (Chiran, 2017: 11). Nevertheless, although controversy continues to surround the strategic decision to employ kamikaze tactics, both the generally acknowledged historical events leading up to the official commencement of kamikaze attacks in 1944 as well as the broader cultural context, specifically the influence of so-called bushido, or the code of honour, provide a framework for understanding the reasoning behind the attacks and the apparent willingness of the young pilots to undertake the missions, as well as for assessing the manner in which they are commemorated.

The Pacific War commenced on 8 December 1941 when, following the attack on Pearl Harbor, Britain and the USA declared war on Japan. The events leading up to the attack are complex (Costello, 1982). However, it is generally considered to have been the inevitable outcome of, initially, Japan’s foreign policy, specifically its 1931 invasion and occupation of Manchuria (north-east China), primarily to exploit the region’s natural resources, and its subsequent intention to establish a ‘New Order in East Asia’ (Axell & Kase, 2002:21). This resulted in growing opposition amongst Western nations to Japan’s international activities, culminating in the USA imposing, amongst other things, an embargo on the export of iron and aviation fuel to Japan. As a country with few natural resources of its own, this was seen as a threat to not only its international ambitions but its very survival, although the commencement of hostilities against the US in 1941 was also seen to be an opportunity to liberate the region from the control of the world’s then colonial powers. Hence, as described without a hint of irony in the Chiran Peace Museum’s booklet, The Mind of the Kamikaze (Chiran, 2017: 8):

After the attack at Pearl Harbour, Japanese forces advanced into countries in Southeast Asia. Their aim was not only to liberate countries from their colonizers, but also to obtain much needed strategic minerals...of which Japan had virtually none.

In the 6 months following Pearl Harbor, Japan enjoyed notable military success although by mid-1942, her armed forces began to suffer a number of setbacks. In particular, the Battle of Midway in June of that year, which severely depleted the country's naval air power, is seen by many as turning point in the Pacific War. By mid-1944, it had become recognized by Japan’s military leaders that the continuing advances of numerically superior American forces could no longer be countered by conventional tactics and, hence, with the Japanese-occupied Philippines facing imminent attack, and in the face of overwhelming odds, the first Special Attack missions were launched against American ships in the October of that year. Subsequently, the kamikaze campaign reached

Confronting difficult pasts 185 its peak near Okinawa during the following summer, finally ending with the cessation of hostilities in August 1945.

The strategy of sending young pilots on suicide missions was not universally accepted amongst Japan’s military leaders, with some questioning the rationale of sending men to certain death but with less certainty with regards to successful outcomes (Axell & Kase, 2002); it is suggested, for example, that as few as 10 percent of pilots actually crashed into their targets (BBC, 2017). Equally, there is evidence to suggest that, for a variety of reasons, many of those who flew on these missions were not in fact willing volunteers (Sheftall, 2005) and, indeed, that some deliberately ditched their aircraft in the ocean rather than crashing into ships. However, ‘they ... knew there was no alternative. To refuse to fly was to show a lack of duty to their country and their parents’ (Chiran, 2017: 19). More specifically, a significant factor in the large number of young men willing to become tokko pilots was the tradition of honourable death that was deeply entrenched in the culture of the Japanese military. This, in turn, reflected the ancient Code of the Samurai or bushido which, according to Nitobe (1908), translates literally as ‘military knight ways’. Bushido represents a moral code, a set of principles that the ancient warrior class, or Samurai, were required and instructed to observe in all aspects of their lives. Such principles included justice, courage, benevolence, politeness, truthfulness, honour and loyalty (Nitobe, 1908).

Underpinning bushido are the twin influences of Buddhism and Shintoism. On the one hand. Buddhism encourages a sense trust in fate, acceptance of the inevitable and stoic composure in the face of adversity. On the other hand, Shintoism promotes loyalty above all to the Emperor, filial piety (respect for parents and elders) and, in particular, reverence for ancestral memory inasmuch as it is believed that the souls of the dead remain behind to watch over the living. Specifically, in Shintoism, those who die tragically or heroically can be worshiped as gods, and it is for this reason that the great majority of Japan's war dead, including kamikaze pilots, are commemorated at the Yasukuni Shrine, a ‘high profile and controversial’ (Sakamoto, 2015: 160) Shinto shrine built in 1869 to house their spirits. For the young Japanese pilots, then, undertaking the kamikaze missions offered the opportunity to display not only their loyalty to their country and Emperor (who at that time was also considered a diety) by dying honourably in warfare, but also their respect for their families (especially their mothers) as revealed in the final letters they wrote before setting off on their final journey. Moreover, they did so secure in the belief that they would become deities and that their spirits would remain with and look over those they left behind, the living.

In short, ‘From today’s perspective, Japanese military’s large scale and systematic use of young men to launch “suicide attacks” seems nothing short of collective madness or extreme state coercion' (Sakamoto, 2015: 164). However, the kamikaze phenomemon may be understood, though not necessarily justified, on the basis that a proud nation defined by fatalism, stoicism and loyalty to country and Emperor was facing inevitable defeat, and that the armedforces by and large believed in - or perhaps felt obliged to pursue - honour in death, to fight to the end. Hence, the kamikaze strategy was arguably seen as both a practical and honourable way to continue inflicting damage on the enemy, the objective perhaps being to negotiate eventual surrender from a stronger position. However, it is not a straightforward story; indeed, there are multiple stories and interpretations. The question is, therefore: to what extent are these stories presented as a basis for all stakeholders - not only older and younger generations of Japanese but also visitors from other countries - to confront and reconcile with such a difficult past? This question is now addressed through the case study of the Chiran Peace Museum.